Thursday, August 11, 2011

UNIQUE Identification Project is Illegal and Unconstitutional and it KILLS the Sovereignty of the Citizens as well as Citizenship. Nandan Nilekani is NOT AUTHORISED to what he is doing with Private Agencies. Duplication of UID means IMMUNIZING Identi


UNIQUE Identification Project is Illegal and Unconstitutional and it KILLS the Sovereignty of the Citizens as well as Citizenship. Nandan Nilekani is NOT AUTHORISED to what he is doing with Private Agencies. Duplication of UID means IMMUNIZING Identity and NILEKANI is doing the same thing as CENSUS is laready in Progress and making NPR with Biometric Identification. It is Serious Money Laundering case and CORRUPTION also as Cntarl FUND is DUPLICATED for the same project to benefit India Incs and MNCS! At the same time, ADHAR is launched to BLUNT Caste Census as it is focused for a Great Diversion to LURE the Excluded Communities on the name of INCLUSION which really means Ethnic Cleansing and Mass Destruction. The DEPRIVED and Discriminated in Globalisation may not wait for Ideological or Political Leadership, GLOBALISATION Riots in Lomdon showcased this crisis. Governemnt of LPG Mafia Manusmriti Rule is INVITING the same ANARCHY under DOUBLE DIP Recession Circumstances!Be Aware!While the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) is busy implementing Aadhaar, the unique identification project across India, Bharat Mukti Morcha (BMM) has petitioned president of India Pratibha Patil through the North Goa collector, objecting to the implementation of the biometric project.

Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time - SEVEN HUNDRED SIX

Palash Biswas

http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/


http://basantipurtimes.blogspot.com

Interview with Dr C. Chandramouli, Registrar General of India and ...

‎
Frontline - 26 Jul 2011
These records would be sent to the UID [unique identification] authority andAadhaar numbers will be generated by them. It will come back to us. ...		 *

Frontline



UNIQUE Identification Project is Illegal and Unconstitutional and it KILLS the Sovereignty of the Citizens as well as Citizenship. Nandan Nilekani is NOT AUTHORISED to what he is doing with Private Agencies. Duplication of UID means IMMUNIZING Identity and NILEKANI is doing the same thing as CENSUS is laready in Progress and making NPR with Biometric Identification. It is Serious Money Laundering case and CORRUPTION also as Cntarl FUND is DUPLICATED for the same project to benefit India Incs and MNCS! At the same time, ADHAR is launched to BLUNT Caste Census as it is focused for a Great Diversion to LURE the Excluded Communities on the name of INCLUSION which really means Ethnic Cleansing and Mass Destruction. The DEPRIVED and Discriminated in Globalisation may not wait for Ideological or Political Leadership, GLOBALISATION Riots in Lomdon showcased this crisis. Governemnt of LPG Mafia Manusmriti Rule is INVITING the same ANARCHY under DOUBLE DIP Recession Circumstances!Be Aware!While the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) is busy implementing Aadhaar, the unique identification project across India, Bharat Mukti Morcha (BMM) has petitioned president of India Pratibha Patil through the North Goa collector, objecting to the implementation of the biometric project.

Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee on Thursday said it was an opportune time for the treasury and opposition benches to ensure that India emerges as the top investment destination, amid all the global economic crises.

"This is the time. Others will take time to come out of the crisis," Mukherjee said in the Rajya Sabha, speaking on a discussion on the appropriation bill that was tabled by him earlier, referring to the financial turmoil that has hit several countries.

He said some members were flashing the comments by some leading industrialists, carried under the headline -- "Goodbye India, Welcome World" -- but said it was for lawmakers to collectively change it to: Goodbye world, welcome India.

He said several important economic legislations were pending before parliament and that it was for the ruling coalition and opposition parties to come together to ensure their passage. "This is the right signal we should be sending to the world.

  
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Percentage decadal growth of India's population during 2001-2011 has registered the sharpest decline since India's Independence.                The decadal growth of population for India as a whole has declined from 23.87% in 1981-91 to 21.54% in 1991-2001 to 17.64% in 2001-11.                Decadal Growth Rate of population during 2001 -11 of the six most populous States, (i.e., Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Bihar, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh), have all declined during 2001-11 compared to the previous decade (1991-2001).
You are here : Home / Act, Rules and Notifications

Act, Rules and Notifications

    S.N.    Subject Download
    1.
    The Census Act, 1948
    2.
    The Census Rules, 1990
    3.
    The Citizenship Act, 1955
    4.
   The Citizenship (Registration of Citizens and Issue of National Identity Cards) Rules, 2003
    5.   The Registration of Births and Deaths Act, 1969
    6.
    ORGI Gazette Notification No - 362 dated 27-02-2009
    7.
    ORGI Gazette Notification No -588 dated 08-04-2009
    8.    ORGI Gazette Notification No - 381 dated 03-07-2009
    9.
    ORGI Gazette Notification No -797 dated 26-04-2010
    10.   ORGI Gazette Notification No - 435 dated 02-05-2010
    11.    ORGI Gazette Notification No - 1990 dated 25-09-2010
    12.   Rules under Section 6A of the IT (Amendment) Act-2008, Notification No - GSR 316(E) dated 14-04-2011    regarding the 'The Information Technology (Electronic Service Delivery) Rules, 2011 - Dept.of IT, MoCIT
 
  1. http://censusindia.gov.in/2011-Act&Rules/index.html

  2. Census of India Website : Office of the Registrar General & Census ...

    censusindia.gov.in/ - Cached
    Census 2011 & NPR Why it's important Act, Rules & Notifications Census Schedules Census Manuals Circulars Geographical Code Directory Training FAQs ...

  3. Census of India : Frequently Asked Questions

    censusindia.gov.in/2011-FAQ/FAQ-Public.html - Cached
    N. Can I send my census/NPR information electronically? ...Census 2011 will ...
    Show more results from censusindia.gov.in

  4. India Census 2011 and NPR

    wapspell.com › HALL › General › !!! NEWS and INFO !!- Cached
    8 posts - 8 authors
    India Census 2011 and NPR. TOPIC id: 46729. Replies: 41 - Views: 705. TechGuy 2010-04-03 15:31:43 - enlarge. The largest operation in the world has started. ...

  5. Census 2011 set to begin today - Bangalore - DNA

    www.dnaindia.com › BANGALORE - Cached
    9 Feb 2011 – Census 2011 will be the 15th national census of the country. The government has also decided to prepare a National Population Register (NPR).

  6. Answers To Census' Race Question Changes Over Time : NPR

    www.npr.org › News › Race
    30 Mar 2011 – Census figures show the Hispanic population in the United States now accounts for more than half of the nation's growth in the past decade.
  7. [PPT] 

    An Introduction to Census of India 2011

    economistindia.files.wordpress.com/2011/05/census-presentation.pps
    File Format: Microsoft Powerpoint - Quick View
    The Census of India 2011 will be the 15th Census and the 7th after Independence. Census 2011 will mark a milestone as the National Population Register (NPR) ...

  8. mediavigil: Home Minister on NATGRID, Census 2011 & NPR

    mediavigil.blogspot.com/.../home-minister-on-natgrid-census-2011... - Cached
    6 Dec 2010 – The NPR is expected to be ready by 2014." Home Minister on Census 2011 & NPR This has been a useful and instructive discussion. ...

  9. Census 2011 and National Population Register (NPR) almost complete ...

    www.sify.com › News - Cached
    30 Nov 2010 – Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram on Tuesday said that data collection for house listing and housingcensus and for the National Population ...
  10. [PDF] 

    Census-2011

    destripura.nic.in/IMPORTANTNOTES%20&%20ORDERS.pdf
    File Format: PDF/Adobe Acrobat - Quick View
    Census-2011 & NPR. GOVERNMENT OF TRIPURA. PLANNING (STATISTICS) DEPARTMENT. NO.F.11(6)/STAT/EC/2004-05. Dated, Agartala, the ______ / 2010 ...

  11. Indian Census 2011 | Enumeration Process | NPR | Population Counting

    news.oneindia.in/2011/.../indian-census-2011-enumerators-data-coll... - Cached
    7 Feb 2011 – The second phase of the enumeration process forCensus 2011 will begin on Wednesday, Feb 9. MS Chaudhari, Secretary GAD, Mumbai has unveiled ...

  1. Unique Identification Authority of India - Wikipedia, the free ...

  2. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Unique_Identification_Authority_of_India - Cached

  3. UID project is known as AADHAAR meaning 'support' or 'foundation', and its logo is a .... a b c "Nilekani to give numbers, ministries to issue cards", ...

  4. " AADHAAR " RELATED ARTICLES: 1510 - Why Nandan Nilekani could ...

  5. aadhararticles.blogspot.com/.../1510-why-nandan-nilekani-could-lo... - Cached

  6. 5 days ago – If the project Nandan Nilekani has promised to design . . . if the .... the Multi-Biometric National Identity Card project developed in ...

  7. " AADHAAR " RELATED ARTICLES

  8. aadhararticles.blogspot.com/ - Cached

  9. 5 days ago – If the project Nandan Nilekani has promised to design . . . if the ..... (2) the Ration Card – not all people hold Ration Cards and these ...

  10. Nandan Nilekani | UID Aadhaar

  11. www.uidaadhaar.com/nandan-nilekani - Cached

  12. 14 Jul 2011 – Video of Nandan Nilekani Live -. UID enabled India is a daunting task. ... i saw the card (uid) is double issue by you. so the main target of u giving ... Hi sir your UID (Unique identification) is not perfect project ...

  13. Aadhaar is Indias app store: Nilekani - CIOL News Reports

  14. www.ciol.com/News/News/News-Reports/Aadhaar...Nilekani/.../0/ - Cached

  15. 2 May 2011 – Nandan Nilekani MUMBAI, INDIA: According to UIDAI's chairman Nandan ...UID project has issued 5.3 million Aadhaar cards till April 29, ...

  16. Aadhar cards: UID project's ID cards get a new name |

  17. uidcards.org/aadhar-cards-uid-project's-id-cards-get-a-new-name/ - Cached

  18. 18 May 2011 – Aadhar cards: UID project's ID cards get a new name. ... UIDAI Chairman Nandan Nilekani, unveiling the new identity and logo, said that the ...

  19. Nilekani's UID Aadhar faces big cut in Budget 2011 |

  20. uidcards.org/nilekanis-uid-aadhar-faces-big-cut-in-budget-2011/ - Cached

  21. 12 Apr 2011 – Check Card Status. NEW DELHI: The government's ambitious ...

  22. Show more results from uidcards.org

  23. Aadhar, Unique Identification Number, UID, Nandan Nilekani ...

  24. www.yreach.com/.../aadhar-will-reach-target-nandan-nilekani.html - Cached

  25. 24 Jun 2011 – The Aadhar Cards have already been allotted to over one crore citizens. ...Aadhar Will Reach Target: Nandan Nilekani. India's dream project ...

  26. TV9 STING OPERATION - "UID / AADHAR CARD SCAM" - NANDAN ...

    		27.
    28. *

  28. www.youtube.com/watch?v=CJ4qwyuLXSw33 min - 3 Jan 2011 - Uploaded by tv9kannadanews

  29. HOW TO GET AADHAAR CARD | UID Aadhaar | Benefits of Aadhar card |Aadhar card can be used as an identity | Nandan Nilekani | We ...

  30. More videos for Aadhar Card Project Nilekani »

  31. says Nilekani « UID Card | UID Number | AadhaaR Number | AadhaaR ...

  32. www.myuidcard.com/?tag=says-nilekani - Cached

  33. 19 Dec 2010 – The pilot project works as a micro-ATM card, which can accept or ... the launch of the project", Nilekani said if the Aadhaar can be made to ...

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    The riots across England could cost the British economy a whopping 392 million pounds, new figures revealed.

    Figures from online comparison site Kelkoo said if the riots in cities outside London continue till Saturday, the bill would surely hit the estimated mark, the Daily Express reported.

    Retail stores have already missed out on sales of 80 million pounds as they were forced to close early to avoid trouble. Customers also stayed away from many shopping areas.

    Looted stores face a bill of more than 141 million pounds to cover stolen stock and clean-up costs.

    Tourism is also likely to suffer. Britain could lose 520 million pounds if just one percent of visitors change their plans.

    Another likely bill was 200 million pounds for the public who can claim compensation for riot damage.

    Chris Simpson of Kelkoo said: "Retailers are sadly going to feel the fallout of this week's riots for several months."

    Alleging that the UID is a conspiracy to put private citizens under surveillance, BMM has urged the Union government to scrap the unique identification project as it is a violation of the privacy of citizens.

    "Through UID, tracking of individuals becomes easy. All information collected by UIDAI will be easily accessible to intelligence agencies such as the Intelligence Bureau (IB) and the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) through the National Intelligence Grid (NATGRID)," said Goa convener of BMM Sebastian Rodrigues. "This may lead to suppression of democratic liberties," he said.

    The BMM has noted that while the National Identification Authority of India Bill, 2010, is yet to be passed by Parliament, biometric enrolment for the National Population Register ( NPR) is being carried out under Citizenship Act 1955 and Citizenship (Registration of Citizens and Issue of National Identity Cards) Rules 2003.

    Unlike the Census Act 1948, which declares in Section 15 that census records 'will not be open to inspection or admissible as evidence', these other laws do not have such safeguards.

    "Biometric cards invade privacy and as such are a violation of the fundamental right to life with dignity guaranteed by the constitution. Even developed nations such as Britain, USA and Australia which tried to enforce such cards were forced to scrap them after public protests," Rodrigues added.

    The Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) has already begun issuing unique numbers to residents in different parts of India. The numbers will be stored in a centralized database and linked to biometric information such as photographs, fingerprints and iris scans of citizens.
    11 AUG, 2011, 03.45AM IST, VIKAS DHOOT,ET BUREAU

    Nandan Nilekani's UIDAI and Census' NPR in role overlap for fingerprinting and other biometric data

    NEW DELHI: Two ambitious government projects are competing for your fingerprints. While the National Population Register (NPR) of the Census office has been tasked with the mandate of providing biometric-based identity cards to all Indian residents, Nandan Nilekani's Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) has sought more funds to expand the UID enrollment exercise to virtually cover the entire population over the age of five years.

    According to the original, but little-known proposal, the two agencies were supposed to work in tandem: unique identity numbers were to be issued by the Authority based on the biometrics captured for the NPR. So, while every Indian resident was to finally have both an NPR card and a UID number, large-scale enrollment was supposed to be done by the Census office.

    But the UIDAI first got government nod to offer incentives to 10 crore citizens to register for UIDs. These incentives were later extended for 20 crore citizens to be covered by UIDAI by March 2012, involving a total expenditure of 3,023 crore. So far, about one crore residents have received UID numbers.

    In a recent development, the UIDAI has asked for an additional 15,000 crore from the government to go ahead and enroll the entire population using its own agents for fingerprinting and other biometric data.

    This has created ripples in the government, as according to official estimates, if both the Census office and UIDAI do separate enrollments, it would result in a 'minimum duplicate expenditure' of 10,000 crore which could go up to as high as 40,000 crore.

    To compound matters, while the UIDAI offers a 50 enrollment incentive, no such incentives are doled out by the NPR. This has resulted in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat opting out of the NPR.

    UIDAI, NPR AGENTS COMPETE

    This has created a peculiar situation where residents of these states will not get national residency cards, say government officials.

    Elsewhere, agents appointed by UIDAI and the NPR, are competing to enroll citizens, creating confusion in the minds of ordinary people as both projects are government sponsored, add these officials.

    The UIDAI has appointed about 209 registrars, while a consortium of central public sector firms and the Department of Information Technology are in charge of capturing residents' biometrics for the NPR. Two million enrollments have been made under the NPR till date.

    While the UIDAI grants an identity number to residents that would be verified online each time they cite it, the smart chip-based NPR card would include residents' UID number and other details, serving as an identity card for all purposes whose veracity could be checked offline with handheld smart-card readers.

    The cabinet committee of UIDAI, which is headed by the Prime Minister, deferred a decision on the Authority's proposal for another Rs 15,000 crore last Thursday after concerns were expressed by the Planning Commission and Home ministry about the overlap between the NPR and UIDAI's work.

    Officials also point out that the Standing Finance Committee of Parliament for the ministry of planning has objected to the UIDAI collecting people's biometrics without any legal backing.

    MPs in the panel have suggested that the authority roll out its programme only after Parliament clears the National Identification Authority of India Bill. The House panel has sought a guarantee that people's private data would be secure in a system where there are multiple registrars capturing their biometrics.

    Even the home ministry has raised concerns about the security of sensitive biometric and demographic data under the UIDAI since it relies on 'outsourced service oriented' infrastructure.

    The Census office, officially known as the Registrar General of India (RGI), on the other hand has been given the legal mandate through an Act of Parliament to collect biometric data of all residents for the NPR.
    http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/tech/software/nandan-nilekanis-uidai-and-census-npr-in-role-overlap-for-fingerprinting-and-other-biometric-data/articleshow/9560067.cms

    Aadhar Card Status  can be checked with the Aadhaar Enrollment Number, Data and Time provided by Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) at the time of registration.
    As per UIDAI, aadhaar number is being delivered within 60 to 90 days after enrollment
    Pre-requisites:
    • Enrollment Number (Provided to you while registering at enrollment camp)
    • Date and Time (of enrollment) -
      • Date need to be entered in following format: dd/mm/yyyy (dd=day, mm=month, yyyy=year)
      • Time need to be entered in following format: hh:mm:ss (hh=hour, mm=minutes, ss=seconds)

    Note: Enter the time also, most of the times the visitors enter the date only and don't bother to enter the time.
    • "Enter below Image text" – For last few days, there is a box field (Captcha) being presented on status checking page to confirm that the status checker is a human, not an automated computer program. Though  sometimes the image is not being shown properly or not shown at all. If the problem persists, we recommend changing browser or reporting to official UIDAI helpline.

    Official link: Check my Aadhar Card Status

    Related wiki articles:

    http://uidnumber.org/aadhaar/612/status.html


    Barely one in four Americans feels confident that the Obama government can fix America's economic problems with a large majority agreeing that the policymaking process in Washington is unstable and ineffective, according to a new poll.

    As many as 46 percent of registered voters say they plan to vote against President Barack Obama next year, versus 21 percent who say they will definitely vote for the president and 33 percent who say they will consider giving him another term, a Washington Post poll released on Wednesday said.

    The poll underscores the damage caused to Obama and both Republicans and Democrats by the long standoff over the debt ceiling and the weakened economy, the influential US daily said.

    The results could have significant implications for both parties, although the anger appears directed evenly between the two parties, as record numbers of Americans now say they are interested in new congressional representation when they vote in November 2012, it said.

    Only 26 percent of respondents in the poll said they were confident that leaders in Washington could actually solve the economic problems facing the country.

    Fifty-two percent of respondents to the Post poll said they believe Standard & Poor's decision to downgrade its rating on the US debt was a fair assessment, with 71 percent saying they thought S&P's assessment of the American political system as "less stable, less effective and less predictable" was fair.

    Among those who believe that Washington is focused on the wrong issues, 30 percent blame Obama and Democrats, 30 percent blame Republicans and 32 percent blame both sides equally.

    Confidence in Obama to make the right decisions for the country's economic future is down 10 points to 33 percent since January. Confidence in Congressional Republicans, which was at 35 percent in January, has dropped to 18 percent.

    Obama's overall job ratings sit at 44 percent approval and 46 percent disapproval in the new poll, both numerically down from three weeks ago, when he was at 47 and 48 percent, respectively.

    However, the poll found despite growing disillusionment with the political situation, 77 percent of Americans agree with this statement: "Whatever its faults, the United States still has the best system of government in the world." That number is unmoved from October 2010.

    Government approves 10% stake sale in NBCC, plans to raise Rs 250 crore
    The government will sell its 10 per cent stake in construction company NBCC this fiscal, through which it plans to raise up to Rs 250 crore.

    The stake sale in National Building Construction Corporation (NBCC) is part of the government effort to raise Rs 40,000 crore from the sale of minority stake in profitable public sector units.

    The government currently holds 100 per cent stake in NBCC. "The Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs (CCEA) has cleared 10 per cent stake sale proposal of NBCC," sources said, but did not comment on the exact time of sale.

    The note for the CCEA was prepared by the finance ministry in consultation with the urban development ministry.

    NBCC, a unit under Ministry of Urban Development, had last month appointed two merchant bankers -- Enam Securities and IDBI Capital -- for managing the stake sale programme.

    Through the initial public offer (IPO) the company is likely to float about 90 lakh shares in the market of face value of Rs 10 each.

    The Cabinet has already given clearance for disinvestment of SAIL, ONGC and HCL.

    So far, this fiscal Rs 1,162 crore has been raised by the government by divesting 5 per cent stake inPower Finance Corporation in May.

    The government aims to generate Rs 95,000 crore between 2011-12 and 2013-14 from selling its equities in state-run enterprises.

    The Centre aims to earn Rs 40,000 crore from disinvestment this financial year. This is despite the government not being able to meet its target of Rs 40,000 crore in the last fiscal when total disinvestment proceeds stood at Rs 22,762.96 crore.
    Domestic demand will help India tide over US financial crisis: FM
    India will be able to tide over the financial crisis emanating from a probable US double dip recession and downgrade of its sovereign debt rating as the Indian economy's growth was driven by domestic demand, Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee said Thursday.

    "It is too premature to say what will be the final shape of the US downgrade. But there is no doubt that our IT industry may be affected," Mukherjee said during a discussion in the Rajya Sabha.

    "But I am not unnecessarily worried," said the finance minister adding that the economy had seen worse in 2008 when exports declined for 11 months on the trot starting October 2008.

    "We generated domestic demand which other economies do not have," Mukherjee said alluding to the 6.8 percent growth India logged during the financial crisis year of 2008-09.

    The finance minister, however, said exports could get hit this time around as well, if demand slowed down in the US and Europe further. Japan, US and Europe constitute a majority of the export destinations of India.

    "Some export diversification has taken place. But I don't know to what extent."

  34. Socio-economic & caste census 2011 in rural India

    SHARE  ·   PRINT   ·   T+  

    This is the explanatory booklet on the Socio-Economic and Caste Census 2011 undertaken by the Ministry of Rural Development. The plan explained in the booklet pertains to rural India, according to Union Minister for Rural Development, Jairam Ramesh.

    Click here to read/download the bi-lingual booklet.

  35. Govt sorting out problems in implementing caste census: Pranab

    AARTI DHAR
    SHARE  ·   COMMENT   ·   PRINT   ·   T+  
    Pranab Mukherjee
    The HinduPranab Mukherjee

    RELATED

    NEWS

    On the return of caste in the Census

    TOPICS

    demographicspopulation and census

    The government on Thursday assured the Lok Sabha that the exercise of caste census would be carried out as per the suggestions made by the members.

    Responding to the concerns raised by the members over the format of the caste census, Leader of the House Pranab Mukherjee said there were problems at the implementation level which would be sorted out. ``We will look into it so that it is implemented in the same format as suggested by National Democratic Alliance convenor Sharad Yadav,'' he said.

    Admitting problems in the implementation of the caste census, Mukherjee assured members that government would address the shortcomings. He said the format suggested by Mr Yadav had been forwarded to the Home Ministry and the government would look into it to ensure that it is implemented in the same format.

    Mr Yadav raised the issue of caste census as soon as the House met for the day, accusing the government of going back on its word on carrying out the exercise. ``We had decided unanimously to conduct the caste census, but the government has divided it into three parts -- one to be carried out by the State government, by the Rural Development Ministry and by the Urban Development Ministry," the JD(U) chief said.

    He said it was the mandate of the Census Commissioner to carry out the caste census and trifurcation of the entire exercise would lead nowhere.

    Samajwadi Party chief Mulayam Singh Yadav said he failed to understand how a decision taken by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Leader of the House Pranab Mukherjee was not implemented in the desired manner.

    Gopinath Munde of the Bharatiya Janata Party said it was not the mandate of the State governments to carry out a caste census. ``One thing was promised to the Lok Sabha and a completely different thing was being implemented,'' he said, adding the exercise being undertaken could not be called as a caste census.

    Bahujan Samaj Party leader Dara Singh Chauhan said the caste system was a reality and a census would only help in better allocation of resources in the endeavour to bring in social change. Mr T.R. Baalu of the DMK also joined the issue and said a caste census was also needed for social justice.

    Practical RISKS of Aadhaar / UID project

    Aug 7 2011  | Views 83 |  Comments  (4)  | Report Abuse
    Tags: uid uidai aadhaar nandan nilakani 666
    ShareThis



    For the past few weeks when I talk to people, both online and offline, about the threats of Aadhaar/UID project I have been getting mixed responses. Of which the majority are leaning towards the project for those reasons that are "served" but the government through the mainstream corporate media. Ironically, some of the people that I had talked to tried to match the situation similar to the protests made by communist party of Kerala against computers and mechanized harvesting tools. Interestingly, I could see tremendous hope in general public; a hope that UID can wipe out corruption, poverty and also bring development. The explanations I got were all about preventing minor frauds which may cause damage not worth more than Rs.5000.
    Apparently, none of the articles that talk about the threats of UID are convincing enough to wake the general public from hallucination. I realize that, there is a great amount of truth in the saying that, "one lives in the prison of their own imaginations".
    Edward Bernays in his famous book 'Propaganda' rightly said
    "…The conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits and opinions of the masses is an important element in democratic society. Those who manipulate this unseen mechanism of society constitute an invisible government which is the true ruling power of our country. ...We are governed, our minds are molded, our tastes formed, our ideas suggested, largely by men we have never heard of."
    I tried to articulate all the potential risks in my protest letter to Prime Minister, but looking at the comment of a reader I got flabbergasted! It says, "Not a single practical risk comes forward from your article" It clearly shows that how much general pubic values their privacy rights, how much lessons they learned from history, how much proactive they want to be and above all how much well informed and alert they are.
    It is that comment which motivated me to write this article; I take it as my failure to express my thoughts in more convincing manner for a wider audience with out taking their level of information for granted. Let me tell you upfront that unless you are ready to spare 3 or 4 hours to go over the videos and links that I'm going to provide below, you will never able to get the bigger picture and remain ignorant about the threats.

    Eugenics

    The following two videos will give you a 30 minute crash course about the huge risk involved in having a centralized database of all people just like a prison database or earmarks in cattle farms. It has good explanation of Eugenics and how it was used in the history.
    http://www.facebook.com/video/video.php?v=10150247807877608
    http://www.facebook.com/video/video.php?v=10150247847852608
    The above footages are copied from Alex Jone's Documentary "End Game". To date this documentary on YouTube has 1,529,158 views. Alex Jones is an activist/Radio host/Documentary film maker who is fighting against the tyrannical and oppressive government of USA. For more info visit http://www.infowars.com or his YouTube channelhttp://www.youtube.com/user/TheAlexJonesChannel

    Biometrics, Turning a 'Citizen' into a 'Subject':

    Usha Ramanathan ( 2 videos give you great level of information in 30-40 mts)

    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UWUHkHLiSio&feature=player_embedded
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CyeO2KALDjs&feature=player_embedded

    Why Nandan Nilekani could lose his job

    (A comprehensive analysis by Rediff Business)

    The above article narrates a wide range of 11 different identities of Nandan nilekani which not many people know about. Some snippets from the article
    He is head of Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), which is functioning without legislative approval either at the Centre or in the states and has signed contracts with US companies like L1 Identities Solution that works with US intelligence agencies.
    An industry document titled 'Homeland Security in India' underlines the connection between UID number and National Intelligence Grid (NAGRID). It is public knowledge that NATGRID chief Capt. Raghu Raman, wishes to hand over 'internal security' of the country to the 'commercial czars' and recommends 'private territorial armies' to safeguard 'corporate empires'.
    Aren't we aware that UID number is a component of the World Bank's partnership with six multinational companies and two governments that was announced by the bank in Washington? Do we really believe that the World Bank works to promote our national interest?
    WikiLeaks cables reveal how the US State department is interested in knowing about India's unique identification program, a biometric database of the world's largest democracy.

    VS Achuthanandan about UID
    Leader of the Opposition V.S. Achuthanandan has alleged commercial motive behind the State government decision to implement the Unique Identification (UID) number project Aadhaar
    Does the UID project infringe on privacy?
    This article has put together two different views. One from the stand point of general public through Supreme Court lawyer Pavan Dugal, and the other, from corporate stand point through Nasscom president Som Mittal.
    The UID Aadhaar Project Will Make Constitution Of India A Dead Document By S.G.Vombatkere
    "Linked with surveillance in public places and with all people registered with the Aadhaar system, tracking every activity of any or every citizen will be merely a matter of money and technology. This will irreversibly change the relationship between the State and its people, confirming the State as the master when the Constitution of India envisages precisely the opposite."
    The Hindu : Opinion / Lead : Aadhaar: on a platform of myths
    The UID project has been integrated with the Home Ministry's National Population Register (NPR). [NPR does not ensure privacy, data collected is publicly accessible]
    The report of UIDAI's "Biometrics Standards Committee" notes that "fingerprint quality, the most important variable for determining de-duplication accuracy, has not been studied in depth in the Indian context."
    High-cost, high-risk (by R. Ramakumar Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai.)
    In this article you will read some history around this project and critical analysis.
    What is the social benefit of centralizing all information and access to welfare schemes into one smart card? Unfortunately, the UPA government has skipped public debate around criticisms and alternative suggestions.

    How the Defense Department is using biometrics

    This video will give you a clear idea of how biometrics is been used by USA defense department to keep track of law offenders and criminals.

    Conclusion

    People should learn about their rights and understand that we the people are neither Slavesnor the government is our Master. We are NOT governed by the Government but we are all governed by The Constitution. Value the rights granted by The Constitution, at the same time stand up to DEFEND those rights from erosion. Enormous power granted to the rulers has historically been disastrous to the people. If you have seen the first two videos you will not need any better explanation. Decentralization of power is the key of democracy. It is for the same reason why we have upper and lower houses of parliament who makes law and a President to give assent and a Supreme Court to interpret that law. Isn't this centralization of data and reversing the role of government from servant to master a "Practical Risk"?
    As you saw in the last video USA keeps a database of biometric information of criminals in order to trace them. Now UID project in India is going to treat everybody the same way as USA treats criminals!
    Nick Clegg, UK's deputy prime minister said in his speech in British Parliament,
    "It is outrageous that decent, law-abiding people are regularly treated as if they have something to hide. It has to stop. So there will be no ID card scheme."
    Aren't you empowering the government to treat you like a criminal even before you commit a crime? Isn't this a practical risk?
    How many of you trust those rulers in the parliament where more than 60% have multiple criminal charges on them? Black money in Swiss bank alone is over Rs.140, 000 crores. How much black money do you think will be in other foreign and domestic banks and also in other forms of wealth? How responsible do you think these people will take care of your personal data? Isn't this a practical risk?
    I would say, UPA has bullied 1.2 billion people with tremendously great skills!!! Read the book mentioned above, "Propaganda", to know how did they mold your thoughts to believe that it is a great project? Are people of India OK with dictators? The whole Aadhaar project has not gotten legislative approval yet, which means its ILLEGAL. And the responsible pseudo-intellectual citizens are applauding it! How many of those pro-uid folks have read the THE NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION AUTHORITY OF INDIA BILL, 2010? They baselessly think that this magic number will stop corruption, illegal migrants and terrorism! Clause 6 of this bill says
    "The aadhaar number or the authentication thereof shall not, by itself, confer any right of or be proof of citizenship or domicile in respect of an aadhaar number holder".
    It never says that this number is to be given only to the citizens! The statement of objects and reasons of the bill states that
    "The Central Government had decided to issue unique identification numbers to all residents in India and to certain other persons."
    Who are these "certain other persons"? And the said bill mysteriously didn't provide any "Reasons" for this project! There is no mention about what problem this project is trying to solve. What alternatives do we have to solve that problem? And there are plenty of questions that need to be answered before spending huge amount of money and inviting huge unforeseen risks. But why are the government collecting data without getting the legislative approval? Did you ever see such enthusiasm in any other government projects? Isn't it a Practical Risk to override the standard procedures of law making? Isn't it a Practical Risk to give UIDs to any resident who applied; regardless of whether or not s/he is an illegal migrant?
    We do have not too old history of a government which suspended the Constitution and IMPOSED the state of emergency on the people by first woman prime minister of India. That resulted in hundreds and thousands of custodial deaths, rapes and abuse of civic liberties. Once all your daily activities and bank accounts are linked to UID and a particular future government says, "You can't do more than Rs.500 transaction per day, failing which Rs25 for every extra Rs.100 will be taken out from your bank account and credited to the government", then what options do you have? If the government starts charging exorbitant amount of taxes and levies for everything then what options do you have? If you say NO, your daily life will precisely come to a dead halt! Aren't those Practical Risks that we the people may face from a tyrannical government?
    Now, do you still want to equate highly sensitive biometric data (which ties a person to bureaucracy) to credit card or a $1000 transaction! Do you still want to equate Aadhaar threats with a threat from a pick-pocket? In a country where we have a completely broken down criminal justice system coupled with extremely corrupted law enforcement system one has to be a retarded, not even a fool, to believe the risks can be mitigated through legislation! At present police are fabricating any sort of evidences to trap innocents, but many of those can be effectively challenged in the court. False cases filed against Ruchika's brother are classic examples. Once UID is linked to everyone's daily activities, bank account, medical records and everything, what are the chances that you can think of for a police officer to make fool-proof evidences against an innocent person? Will it help the poor more or the elites to do any crime and get away with it?
    After the implementation of UID,
    • What are the chances that you can get LPG without being given it to someone else for a day or two by the agency?
    • What are the chances that all the PDS shops have UID verification devices?
    • If all the PDS shops have UID verification devices what are the chances that the system works when someone wants to buy something?
    • What are the chances that electricity outage, telephone/network outage block a person from getting the service?
    • What are the chances that the service providers intentionally break the system down to deny the service?
    • What are the chances that someone else avail the service in your name and you get trapped in cases which you cannot prove otherwise?
    • Schools do collect information regarding religion, caste race, language; Banks collect income information and what are the chances that future generations won't face another holocaust, forced sterilization or repeat another Rwanda?
    • This list will go on based on how well your criminal brain works; but my point is there is nothing much you can expect out of this project other than surrendering your sovereignty and making the State, a more powerful Master.

    I'm not against e-governance or any thing that improve efficiency but that process should not infringe upon our civil rights and liberties. PAN cards made a big difference in tax collection, but not at the cost of privacy. The data is not accessible even through Right To Information Act. So should every department. We should draw the line at the right place so that liberty and security can prosper together.

    Late Roger Needham, a British computer scientist, aptly said,


    'If you think IT is the solution to your problem, then you don't understand IT, and you don't understand your problem either.'


    Please post the letter to the prime minister.

    Protest Letter to PM
    UID Cartoon /Caricature PDF format
    Public awareness notice in Malayalam.

    Sign Online Petition here

    © prassoon., all rights reserved.
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    Aadhaar: on a platform of myths

    R. RAMAKUMAR
    SHARE  ·   COMMENT (111)   ·   PRINT   ·   T+  
    The Hindu"A democratic government should not undertake a project of the magnitude of Aadhaar from a platform of myths." Here, a woman shows her unique ID card. File photo: Sushil Kumar Verma
    The Aadhaar project, just as its failed counterpart in the U.K., stands on a platform of myths. India needs a mass campaign to expose these myths.

    RELATED

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    TOPICS

    politicsregulatory policy and organisation
    science and technologyidentification technology
    social issuesocial issues (general)


    Two countries. Two pet projects of the respective Prime Ministers. Unmistakable parallels in the discourse. "The case for ID cards is a case not about liberty, but about the modern world," wrote Tony Blair in November 2006, as he was mobilising support for his Identity Cards Bill, 2004. "Aadhaar…is symbolic of the new and modern India," said Manmohan Singh in September 2010, as he distributed the first Aadhaar number in Nandurbar. "What we are trying to do with identity cards is make use of the modern technology," said Mr. Blair. "Aadhaar project would use today's latest and modern technology," said Dr. Singh. The similarities are endless.
    Mr. Blair's celebrated push for identity cards ended in a political disaster for Labour. The British people resisted the project for over five years. Finally, the Cameron government scrapped the Identity Cards Act in 2010, thus abolishing identity cards and plans for a National Identity Register. On the other hand, India is enthusiastically pushing the Aadhaar, or unique identity (UID), project. The UID project has been integrated with the Home Ministry's National Population Register (NPR). The "National Identification Authority of India Bill" has been tabled in Parliament. Globally, observers of identity policies are watching if India learns anything from the "modern" world.
    The experience with identity cards in the United Kingdom tells us that Mr. Blair's marketing of the scheme was from a platform of myths. First, he stated that enrolment for cards would be "voluntary". Second, he argued that the card would reduce leakages from the National Health System and other entitlement programmes; David Blunkett even called it not an "identity card," but an "entitlement card." Third, Mr. Blair argued that the card would protect citizens from "terrorism" and "identity fraud." For this, the biometric technology was projected as infallible.
    All these claims were questioned by scholarly and public opinion. A meticulous report from the London School of Economics examined each claim and rejected them (see "High-cost, High-risk," Frontline, August 14, 2009). This report argued that the government was making the card compulsory across such a wide range of schemes that it would, de facto, become compulsory. It also argued that the card would not end identity fraud in entitlement schemes. The reason: biometrics was not a reliable method of de-duplication.
    The Indian discourse around Aadhaar is remarkably similar. Almost identical arguments are forwarded in support of the project to provide a population of over one billion people with UID numbers. I argue that Aadhaar, just as its failed counterpart in the U.K., is promoted from a platform of myths. Here, there is space for three big myths only.
    Myth 1: Aadhaar number is not mandatory.
    This is wrong; Aadhaar has stealthily been made mandatory. Aadhaar is explicitly linked to the preparation of the NPR. The Census of India website notes that "data collected in the NPR will be subjected to de-duplication by the UIDAI [Unique Identification Authority of India]. After de-duplication, the UIDAI will issue a UID Number. This UID Number will be part of the NPR and the NPR Cards will bear this UID Number."

    The NPR is the creation of an amendment in 2003 to the Citizenship Act of 1955. As per Rule 3(3) in the Citizenship Rules of 2003, information on every citizen in the National Register of Indian Citizens should compulsorily have his/her "National Identity Number." Again, Rule 7(3) states that "it shall be the responsibility of every Citizen to register once with the Local Registrar of Citizen Registration and to provide correct individual particulars." Still further, Rule 17 states that "any violation of provisions of rules 5, 7, 8, 10, 11 and 14 shall be punishable with fine which may extend to one thousand rupees."
    The conclusion is simple: Aadhaar has been made compulsory, even before passing the Bill concerned in Parliament. Under the project's guise, the State is coercing individuals to part with personal information; this coercion comes with a threat of punishment.
    Myth 2: Aadhaar is just like the social security number (SSN) in the United States.
    There is a world of difference between the SSN and Aadhaar. The SSN was introduced in the U.S. in 1936 to facilitate provision of social security benefits. A defining feature of SSN is that it is circumscribed by the Privacy Act of 1974. This Act states that "it shall be unlawful for any…government agency to deny to any individual any right, benefit, or privilege provided by law because of such individual's refusal to disclose his social security account number." Further, federal agencies have to provide notice to, and obtain consent from, individuals before disclosing their SSNs to third parties.
    The SSN was never conceived as an identity document. However, in the 2000s, SSN began to be used widely for proving one's identity at different delivery/access points. As a result, SSNs of individuals were exposed to a wide array of private players, which identity thieves used to access bank accounts, credit accounts, utilities records and other sources of personal information. In 2006, the Government Accountability Office noted that "over a 1-year period, nearly 10 million people — or 4.6 per cent of the adult U.S. population — discovered that they were victims of some form of identity theft, translating into estimated losses exceeding $50 billion."
    Following public outcry, the President appointed a Task Force on Identity Theft in 2007. Acting on its report, the President notified a plan: "Combating Identity Theft: A Strategic Plan." This plan directed all government offices to "eliminate unnecessary uses of SSNs" and reduction and, where possible, elimination of the need to use SSN to identify individuals. It's quite the contrary in India. According to Nandan Nilekani, Aadhaar number would become "ubiquitous"; he has even advised people to "tattoo it somewhere," lest they forget it!
    Myth 3: Identity theft can be eliminated using biometrics.
    There is consensus among scientists and legal experts regarding the limitations of biometrics in proving identity. First, no accurate information exists on whether the errors of matching fingerprints are negligible or non-existent. A small percentage of users would always be either falsely matched or not matched at all against the database.
    Second, errors of matching would stand significantly amplified in countries like India. A report from 4G Identity Solutions, contracted by UIDAI for supply of biometric devices, notes that:
    "It is estimated that approximately five per cent of any population has unreadable fingerprints, either due to scars or aging or illegible prints. In the Indian environment, experience has shown that the failure to enrol is as high as 15 per cent due to the prevalence of a huge population dependent on manual labour."
    A 15 per cent failure rate would mean the exclusion of over 200 million people. If fingerprint readers are installed at Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MNREGS) work sites and ration shops, and employment or purchases made contingent on correct authentication, about 200 million persons would remain permanently excluded from accessing such schemes.
    The report of the UIDAI's "Biometrics Standards Committee" actually accepts these concerns as real. Its report notes that "fingerprint quality, the most important variable for determining de-duplication accuracy, has not been studied in depth in the Indian context." However, this critical limitation of the technology has not prevented the government from leaping into the dark with this project, one whose cost would exceed Rs.50,000 crore.
    It is said that the greatest enemy of truth is not the lie, but the myth. A democratic government should not undertake a project of the magnitude of Aadhaar from a platform of myths. The lesson from the U.K. experience is that myths perpetrated by governments can be exposed through consistent public campaigns. India direly needs a mass campaign that would expose the myths behind the Aadhaar project.
    (R. Ramakumar is Associate Professor with the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai.)
    Keywords: Aadhar project, Unique ID card
    http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/article2236134.ece?homepage=true
    The UID Aadhaar Project Will Make Constitution Of India A Dead Document
    By S.G.Vombatkere
    28 July, 2011
    Countercurrents.org
    The Unique Identification (UID) project, also known as Aadhaar, has been pushed into implementation by creation of a UID Authority of India (UIDAI) in 2009. It is slated to spend Rs.45,000 to 1,50,000 crores with a sanctioned budget of Rs.3,000 crores without approval of Parliament. Mr. Nandan M. Nilekani has been nominated to head the UIDAI and accorded cabinet minister rank [ Note 1 ]. This is not unconnected with the publication of his book " Imagining India " in 2009, and his former position as CEO of Infosys Technologies, India's software leader. The Aadhaar project has been cogently criticised with doubts raised on several counts including its legality that have neither been addressed in the information put out by UIDAI, nor in Mr.Nilekani's public interactions in various fora. The result is that public skepticism is deepening into mistrust. WhenAadhaar has thus been imposed upon the public, there is need for genuine transparency to dispel public doubts regarding compromise of fundamental rights and freedoms. This is especially so because obtaining the Aadhaar number is stated to be not mandatory whereas various government entities are insisting upon it. However, a National Identification Authority of India (NIAI) Bill that seeks to regularize UIDAI is scheduled to be tabled in Parliament soon.
    According to declared policy of the Union government, growth is meant to be inclusive andAadhaar is meant primarily to reach benefits to the poor. Aadhaar claims advantages especially in further enabling the existing NREGA and PDS schemes to reach beneficiaries more quickly and surely. These claims have been systematically addressed by Reetika Khera [ Ref.1 ], who has brought out that while some of UIDAI's claims are practical, others are not. While Khera's analysis addresses several aspects, it does not adequately touch upon the national security aspect of Aadhaar . The present article discusses the system design, implementation and security aspects, beginning with a critique of the planning process or arbitrariness in decisions concerning the Aadhaar project.
    The planning process for national projects
    Any large, extensive, long-term, high-cost national project should be preceded by a benefit-cost analysis to assess its socio-techno-economic feasibility. This should begin with a clear statement of what precisely is the problem to be solved or the aim to be achieved (sometimes called the "design problem"), the terms of reference, and the fundamental assumptions on which the design problem is based. The detailed design of any system adopted has to be based upon clearly defined design assumptions. This is because an error in design assumptions can produce a flawed or unworkable design, or a faulty system that is untenably expensive to operate and maintain. The successful social, technical and economic functioning of the completed system implies that its performance conforms to the design, which in turn depends upon the validity of the raw and processed data on which the design was based and the knowledge, skill and experience of the designer(s).
    But before the detailed design of any system, a comparative study of available systems is necessary, to decide which system to adopt to solve the problem or achieve the desired aim. That is, the various options are listed and each examined from social, economic and technical angles. A rational planning process would begin with listing all options including upgradation or combination of existing systems (upon which capital investment has already been made), and proposals for new systems based upon updated or new technology. The comparative examination of the listed options in terms of the social, technical and financial costs of each would then provide a short-list of feasible options. Detailed comparative analysis of the short-listed options by experts in the field would reveal the inter se priority of these options, which would then be presented for final choice.
    At this stage, there is a political decision to be made, which may not necessarily choose the "least-cost" option. The experts would make their recommendations but the responsibility for choice of option remains with the political executive. It would be a deviation from good practices if one or other option were to be chosen without transparent comparison of the available options; it would bring into question whether at all a systematic process of planning was applied, and whether there had been extraneous influence brought to bear on the political decision, and the possible quid pro quo involved.
    Briefly, a systematic planning process at the national level should (1) define the aim and the terms of reference, (2) list out all possible or available options to achieve the aim, (3) remove the implausible or politically undesirable options, and (4) subject the remaining options to analysis using previously identified and weighted social, technical and economic criteria. This analysis will provide an inter se priority among the options considered, forming the basis for the final (political) decision of which option to implement. Such a transparent process would obviate political sniping, accusations and inquiries at a later date. It appears that a national project of magnitude, gravity and long-term national consequences like Aadhaar has been arbitrarily chosen without considering alternatives.
    Existing identification systems
    There are several existing photo-identification systems co-existing in India, each having its own scope and limitations, that have been created by huge expenditure of public money and physical effort over decades. Below are four of the important ones:
    (1) Personal Account Number (PAN) of the Income Tax Department – not all citizens are tax payers,
    (2) the Ration Card – not all people hold Ration Cards and these are not transportable across states,
    (3) Bank Account Number – not all citizens have bank accounts, and
    (4) the Elector's Photo Identity Card (EPIC) – not issued to persons ineligible to vote for reasons of age or citizenship, but accepted as proof of identity and address across the country.
    The UID Aadhaar project has been started up without considering existing systems that already provide unique identity to people, though sectorally. The existing EPIC provides proof of citizenship, and includes photograph, full name, full address, sex, date of birth, father's/mother's/husband's name and a unique 10-character alphanumeric string . The personal details are verified by local government authority before preparing the EPIC. Though an EPIC does not make the holder eligible to vote in another constituency, it still provides a unique identity with several details .
    Alternatively, using selected features of the four existing identification systems mentioned above (there could be more since this list is not comprehensive but only demonstrative), an option that may be suggested to provide the cardholder with a unique identity could be the EPIC re-issued (to obviate fresh data-entry errors) with additional fields for ration entitlement, reservation entitlement (SC/ST or not), income tax number (if an IT assessee), bank account number(s), citizenship category (resident Indian citizen or NRI or foreigner), biometric information and any other information parameters considered necessary, plus blank fields for more data if considered essential at a later date, and integrating the data of different states. The existing EPICs could be used without interruption for voting, and as and when re-issued with the additional data, would also serve the purpose of unique identification. The system would still allow extension by utilizing the blank fields. Such a card would call for easily achievable inter-system communication and system integration between the various data bases holding information, such as the Food and Civil Supplies Departments, Urban Local Bodies and Panchayats, IT Department, banks, and Passport Offices.
    It is not necessary for the present article to go into more detail since that is the task of planning bodies such as the Planning Commission. The above suggestion is only indicative of one available option for consideration at the preliminary planning stage.
    Planning methodology
    A rational approach to planning national mega-projects such as the Aadhaar project even while there are existing identification systems in place (howsoever inadequate in different ways), would need planners to consider
    (1) adapting one or more of the options mentioned in the previous section,
    (2) an upgraded or re-worked combination of the best features of two or more of them,
    (3) the proposed Aadhaar project, and perhaps
    (4) some out-of-the-box proposal(s).
    Each of the options would be examined against pre-defined and weighted social-economic-technical criteria in a comparative study, and the options arranged in order of priority. If the Aadhaar project turns up as priority number one, then the political choice of adopting it would be unquestionable. But if the Aadhaar project turns up as number two or three, the political chief executive would still have the option of exercising his personal and political discretion to choose the Aadhaar project for adoption with full responsibility.
    However, the present choice of the Aadhaar project is without system rationale. The public is acutely aware of the recent frequently surfacing huge scams, and cannot be faulted if there is scepticism or suspicion regarding motives that have led to the Aadhaarproject being chosen in spite of arguments, objections and protests on various counts. That this elementary systems aspect was neglected by an engineer-businessperson of Mr.Nilekani's eminence is more than merely strange.
    Security considerations
    Security considerations concern not only national security but also citizens' constitutional liberties, including the right to privacy. After the reprehensible September 9, 2001, Al Qaeda attack on the WTC and Pentagon in USA, there were attempts in all countries to tighten security. In USA, the Homeland Security Act and the Patriot Act were passed, marking formal commencement of public surveillance in USA. Similarly in 2003 Government of India modified the Citizenship Act, later called the National Population Register (NPR), to authorize the Registrar General of India to hold personal including biometric information of all citizens. That this was primarily a security consideration was affirmed by Mr.Nilekani in response to the question " Isn't the main purpose security? " concerning the Aadhaar project. True, also affirmed that government's initiative for a unique ID was also for developmental purposes and that UIDAI came out of that initiative [ Ref.1 ]. While there may be no reason to doubt Mr.Nilekani on this score, the fact remains that there was an initiative to create a data base for national security, and theAadhaar data base would be eminently suited for that purpose. It is noteworthy thatAadhaar is apparently linked with the National Intelligence Grid (Natgrid) [ Note 2 ] and the National Population Register (NPR).
    Nobody objects to national security measures. But these cannot be at the cost of surveillance of law abiding citizens, restricting their freedoms or infringing on their privacy. This is reportedly happening in USA following implementation of the Homeland Security Act and the Patriot Act. In intelligence practice, national security is enhanced by maintaining surveillance on citizens in public places and linking this with personal information available in various data bases maintained by banks, income tax offices, airline and railway reservation offices, internet service providers, etc. Aadhaar can provide the link between various data bases and will inevitably be at the core of a system which will enable profiling and tracking any citizen useful to any of India's 11 security or intelligence agencies [ Ref.2 ].
    Linked with surveillance in public places and with all people registered with the Aadhaarsystem, tracking every activity of any or every citizen will be merely a matter of money and technology. This will irreversibly change the relationship between the State and its people, confirming the State as the master when the Constitution of India envisages precisely the opposite.
    Thus, Aadhaar will enable and support surveillance and tracking whether or not it succeeds in its declared primary aim of enabling services for the poor. Aadhaar promoters claim that access to its data base will not be permitted to any agency, and will be secure from intelligence agencies that spy on citizens. However, this is vitiated since the Aadhaarproject is contracted to receive technical support, presently for biometric capture devices, from L-1 Identity Solutions, Inc., a US-based intelligence and surveillance corporation whose top executives are acknowledged experts in the US intelligence community, as revealed in the corporation's website. According to UIDAI website, among other companies awarded contracts for collaboration in the Aadhaar project, are Accenture Services Pvt Ltd which works with US Homeland Security ( for implementation of Biometric Solution for UIDAI) and Ernst & Young (for setting up of Central ID Data Repository (CIDR) and Selection of Managed Service Provider (MSP)). It is difficult to imagine the security of sensitive national information when the technical provider or consultant is not a government body but a business corporation with strong connections to the intelligence organization of another country.
    The risks are highlighted by the fact that a " retinue of U.S security and intelligence officials " accompanied US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, to India in July 2011 [ Ref.3 ]. According to the same source, India has a " gaping appetite for homeland security expertise and technology ". India is racing ahead with a proposed Commercial, Homeland Security and Fire Technology Exhibition at Pragati Maidan, New Delhi in December 2011. It is big business that Natgrid is sure to buy into. Indeed, a document of ASSOCHAM titled " Homeland Security in India " states, " Given its increasing focus on Homeland security, the Government of India has initiated several steps...(one such) significant initiative is the ongoing drive to provide UID Number to all Indian citizens which is also aligned to the wider cause of intelligently networking the Indian ecosystem ." [ Ref.4 ]. There appears to be a designed "homeland security" link withAadhaar , and statements like " The UIDAI will not share resident data " could even be deliberately misleading. India is understood to be opposing CISMOA (Communications and Security Memorandum of Agreement) that USA has proposed for better military interoperability, but the supposed need to acquire technology may accept the cost of allowing inspection (end use monitoring) by US intelligence agencies, and thus compromise national security [ Ref.5 ]. All these issues including the fact that since 2009, the Aadhaarproject has been operating without legal sanction (including entering into contracts involving millions of dollars of public funds), only compounds doubts and apprehensions.
    The recent case of the Indian Institute of Science (IISc), Bangalore, signing an agreement to set up a telecom laboratory with Huawei Technologies which has links with the Chinese government has been objected to by the Indian intelligence community, which had expressed prior disapproval. That the Indian intelligence community has tamely accepted business links with Accenture Services, Ernst & Young and L-1 Identity Solutions for national security may indicate the unabashed subservience of those who control the intelligence entities like IB, RAW, MoD, MHA, DoT, etc, to the policies of a particular foreign country.
    The larger implications and ramifications of Aadhaar are best expressed in Usha Ramanathan's words: "[Data collection for the National Population Register] is set amidst NATGRID (National Intelligence Grid), the UID (the Unique Identification project), and a still-hazy-but-waiting-in-the-wings DNA Bank. Each of these has been given spurs by the Union Home Ministry, with security as the logic for surveillance and tracking by the state and its agencies. The benign promise of targeted welfare services is held out to legitimise this exercise " [ Ref.2 ].
    It is accepted that hacking into a system is most effectively done by paying, co-opting or honey-trapping individuals who have access to critical information. The recent instance of Union Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee's office being bugged, shows how a device can be placed by gaining physical access to a high security office. Natgrid (which seeks to integrate 21 data bases) or some foreign intelligence agency could obtain access to theAadhaar data base notwithstanding pious statements of UIDAI. (Incidentally, Capt Raghu Raman, CEO of Natgrid, was also CEO of Mahindra Special Services Group, a security services company. One view of this side-stepping is that he would bring to Natgrid his wealth of background experience but, without casting doubt on his personal integrity, the possible convergence of interests between his corporate background and national information security are undeniable). Obtaining a brief, one-time entry to the Aadhaardata base to permanently compromise its security would pose no serious problem to any efficient intelligence agency that has sufficient influence or funds to obtain that access. Even if Aadhaar can enable provision of services to the poor (which has been cogently argued elsewhere as unworkable) possibility of loss or breach of security of a national data base does not appear to have been examined.
    Without in any manner casting aspersions on Mr.Nilekani's integrity, it should be noted that his Union Cabinet minister status as Chairman of UIDAI is without having taken formal oath of secrecy and abiding by the Constitution of India. He is free to take any measures that he deems fit with no accountability to the people or the Government of India; the multi-million-dollar contracts entered into bear witness.
    Aadhaar project deserves review
    The NIAI Bill is scheduled to be tabled in Parliament in the 2011 monsoon session. The Bill has several infirmities that have been pointed out to government, but it appears that no cognizance has been taken.
    The UIDAI functions with only token transparency. Obtaining an Aadhaar number is stated to be not mandatory, but various government departments are insisting upon theAadhaar number, causing skepticism and mistrust among the public. The Aadhaar project is an unconscionably expensive, unaccountable and virtually secret program that can hold the key to a total-surveillance-State, making the Constitution of India a dead document.
    The claims made by the UIDAI to make social benefits available or accessible to the poor sections of Indian society have been questioned elsewhere, but the Aadhaar scheme itself has been formulated without due technical or administrative planning process. Thus, from system design and security considerations, the Aadhaar scheme deserves to be blocked with immediate effect and reviewed from scratch in the national best interest.

    References
    1. Reetika Khera; " UID Project & Welfare Schemes "; Economic & Political Weekly; Vol XLVI No.9 February 26, 2011.
    2. Usha Ramanathan; " Implications of registering, tracking, profiling "; The Hindu, April 5, 2010.
    3. " U.S., India share focus on homeland security, but collaboration comes slowly "; Washington Post, July 20, 2011; < http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/us-india-focus-on-homeland-security/2011/07/19/gIQAQ56HOI_story.html >
    4. Gopal Krishna; " NIAI Bill, Wikileaks, World Bank & L-1 Identities Solution "; <www.countercurrents.org >, January 22, 2011.
    5. Vombatkere, S.G., " Deepening India-US Strategic Ties - Evidences and Repercussions ", Mainstream, New Delhi, Vol XLVIII No 40, September 25, 2010, p.13-15.

    Notes
    Note 1 . The basis for selecting Mr.Nandan Nilekani for appointment as UIDAI Chairperson with cabinet rank is arbitrary and not beyond question. No doubt the UIDAI Chairperson should possess experience in systems engineering but he/she should also have experience in public administration since the UID project deals with government systems and the public, involving legal and constitutional issues. Transparent selection of an individual from a panel of eligible persons would have constituted due process of democratic governance. Avoidance of due process speaks poorly of governance and raises doubts about hidden agendas.
    Note 2 . Natgrid c/o Ministry of Home Affairs, will ensure that India has a world-class integrated national security database that can be accessed by the security agencies as required. This national security database is inter-operable with other relevant databases, so that all terror threats can be detected and acted upon in a timely manner. This ambitious project will be implemented without infringing upon the privacy of individuals whose details -- banking, insurance, immigration, income tax, telephone and internet usage -- will be on Natgrid. The data collected will also have to be safeguarded from hackers. The goal of Natgrid will be to achieve quick, seamless and secure access to desired information for intelligence/enforcement agencies in India.
    < http://www.skoch.in/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1682 >.
    ** S.G.Vombatkere retired as major general after 35 years in the Indian military. He is engaged in voluntary social work, and is member of the National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM) and People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL). As Adjunct Associate Professor of the University of Iowa, USA, he coordinates and lectures a course on Science, Technology and Sustainable Development for under-graduate students from USA and Canada. He holds a master of engineering degree in structural engineering from the University of Poona and a PhD in civil structural dynamics from I.I.T, Madras.
    E-mail:< sg9kere@live.com >
    http://www.countercurrents.org/vombatkere280711.htm

  37. Home Minister on NATGRID, Census 2011 & NPR

    SETTING UP OF NATGRID


    The Annual Report of Home Ministry (2009-2010) on page 26 reads, "Government have, in principle, agreed to set up National Intelligence Grid (NATGRID)." P Chidambaram also said the Detailed Project Report of the proposed National Intelligence Grid (NATGRID) was ready and could be placed before the Cabinet Committee on Security for approval. The DPR is ready. It has been presented to me. Now the DPR will go to the CCS. The core team has been set up. The core team is working on the DPR". It is likely to be placed before the Union Cabinet in January , 2011. NATGRID is proposed to be launched in May 2010 will ensure that police officers feed information about individuals into a database. 
    Chidambaram hired Captain Raghu Raman, a former armyman and CEO of Mahindra Special Services Group, as chief executive officer of the project. He keeps referring to US defence budget of $600 billion (around Rs 29 trillion) which is 40% of the world's defence expenditure. In India, Home Ministry's budget allocation increased from Rs. 1,810 crore in 2009-10, Rs. 3,283 crore — a 55 percent increase.

    National Population Register (NPR) & Census 
    A Paper titled 'National Population Register (NPR) in India - A Step towards Register Based Census' presented at the 57th Session of the International Statistical Institute (ISI), Durban (South Africa), August 2009 by the Office of the Registrar General, India reads, "In view of the growing need for a credible identification system in the country due to various factors, like internal security, illegal migration etc, India is contemplating the preparation of a National Population Register (NPR) by collecting specific information on each person residing in the country. The proposed NPR would contain such information as, name, sex, date of birth, current marital status, name of father, mother and spouse, educational level attained, nationality, occupation/activity pursued, present and permanent addresses. The database would also contain the photograph and finger biometry of persons above the age of 15 years. Under this scheme, every individual would be assigned a unique National Identification Number (NIN). The NPR is expected to be ready by 2014." 


     Home Minister on Census 2011 & NPR

    This has been a useful and instructive discussion. It was titled "Short Duration Discussion on need to lay down specific parameters for conducting the Census, 2011." It was spread over two days and a large number of Hon'ble Members from all sections of the House have spoken. The central issue of the debate, as expected, was whether information on the caste of the respondent should be collected in the on-going Census 2011.
    Before I respond to that issue, I wish to explain a few aspects of Census 2011 and the National Population Register which I believe will be useful to all Honourable Members.
    The census is done under the authority of the Census Act, 1948. Census 2011 will be the fifteenth national census since 1872 and the 7th since Independence. Population census is the total process of collecting demographic, economic and social data. What is published as the Census data are only aggregates; the information relating to the individual is confidential and not shared with anyone or any authority. Census 2011 will be conducted in two phases - the first phase is called the House listing and Housing census and the second phase is called the Population Enumeration. The questions to be canvassed during the two phases were decided on the basis of suggestions made during the data users' conference, experience of past censuses and the recommendations of the Technical Advisory Committee (TAC) comprising eminent demographers, statisticians, social scientists and senior officers representing different Ministries and Departments of the Central Government.
    The Citizenship Act is a separate law. The Citizenship Act was amended in 2003 and the Citizenship (Registration of Citizens and Issue of National Identity Cards) Rules, 2003 were notified on December 10, 2003. Rule 2(l) defines "population register". It is the register containing details of persons usually residing in a village or rural area or town or ward or demarcated area within a ward in a town or urban area. Rule 2(k) defines "National Register of Indian Citizens" as the register containing details of Indian citizens living in India and outside India. Rule 2(n) defines "State Register of Indian citizens" as the register containing details of Indian citizens usually residing in the State. Sub-rule (1) of Rule 3 mandates the Registrar General to establish and maintain the National Register of Indian Citizens and sub-rule (4) thereof directs the preparation of a Population Register. Rule 4 specifies the steps to be taken during the enumeration. One of the steps is house to house enumeration for collecting specified particulars relating to each family and individual including the citizenship status. Sub-rule (3) of Rule 4 requires that the particulars collected of every family and individual in the Population Register shall be verified and scrutinised and, under sub-rule (4), in case of doubtful citizenship the individual or the family shall be informed immediately after the verification process is over.
    Therefore, the Rules require preparation of both the Population Register and the Register of Citizens. It will be obvious that the Register of Citizens will be a subset of the Population Register. This should clarify why information is being collected for preparation of the National Population Register and how the Register of Citizens will be established and maintained thereafter.The two exercises that are underway are Census 2011 and the exercise of preparing the National Population Register.
    The fact that both exercises are being undertaken by the Registrar General of India may have led to a certain lack of understanding of the objects and purposes of the two exercises. Nevertheless, it is important to note the distinction between Census 2011 and the NPR.
    I shall now turn to Census 2011. As I said, this is the 15th census. Information relating to the caste of each member of the household was last collected and published in detail in 1931. After independence, as a matter of policy, the question relating to caste, other than scheduled caste and scheduled tribe, was not included. An Hon'ble Member has quoted Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. What he said is well known to all of us. Caste was not included in the last Census of 2001 also. I may point out that the records show that an attempt was made by the Ministry of Social Justice to include caste as one of the questions that should be canvassed during the 2001 census. However, the Government of the day - the NDA Government - did not take a decision to that effect and maintained the policy that has been in force since 1951.There are two questions here. The first question is, 'whether it is desirable to enumerate the caste of each member of the household?' The second question is, assuming that it is desirable to do so, 'is the census the vehicle to carry out the enumeration?' I do not wish to enter into a debate on the first question. There can be different views on the subject and we must respect each other's views. In fact, Hon'ble Members who said that "caste is a reality" also acknowledged that caste is a divisive factor and that we are nowhere near establishing a casteless society.It is the second question that is relevant for the present discussion.
    The Registrar General has pointed out a number of logistic and practical difficulties in canvassing the question of caste while conducting the census. In this connection, we must keep the distinction between 'enumeration' on the one hand and 'compilation, analysis and dissemination' on the other. It has been pointed out that the census is meant to collect 'observational data'. 21 lakh enumerators, mostly primary school teachers, have been selected and trained. They have been trained to ask the question and record the answer as returned by the respondent. The enumerator is not an investigator or verifier. And, it must be clearly understood, that the enumerator has no training or expertise to classify the answer as OBC or otherwise. As Hon'ble Members are aware, there is a central list of Other Backward Classes and State-specific lists of Other Backward Classes. Some States do not have a list of OBCs; some States have a list of OBCs and a sub-set called Most Backward Classes. The Registrar General has also pointed out that there are certain open-ended categories in the lists such as orphans and destitute children. Names of some castes are found in both the list of Scheduled Castes and list of OBCs. Scheduled Castes converted to Christianity or Islam are also treated differently in different States. The status of a migrant from one State to another and the status of children of inter-caste marriage, in terms of caste classification, are also vexed questions.The Registrar General has also pointed out that, assuming that it is desirable to canvass the question of caste, further issues will arise regarding the methodology, avoiding phonetic and spelling errors, stage of canvassing, maintaining the integrity of the enumeration, doing an accurate headcount of the population etc. Let me reiterate that the main objective of the population census is to do an accurate de-facto headcount of the usual residents in India on the deemed date i.e. 00.00 hours on March 1, 2011. Based on universally applied scientific demographic tools, we have an estimate of what the population of India will be on that day. However, it is necessary and desirable to make an accurate headcount. Hence, the Census. I am sure Hon'ble Members will agree with me when I say that nothing should be done that may affect the accuracy of the headcount or the integrity of the population census.Hon'ble Members: The discussion in this House over the last two days has thrown up a number of arguments and reasons for canvassing the question of caste. Government is already seized of the matter. The views of Hon'ble Members will certainly be a valuable guide to the Government. I hear the Hon'ble Members loudly and clearly. As I understand the Hon'ble Members, what they want is that the question of caste must be canvassed. That means, to the best of my understanding, the enumerator should record whatever answer the respondent gives to the question 'what is your caste?' At that point of time, it is simply collection of the information. According to Hon'ble Members, it is desirable to collect the information. Government will certainly keep in mind the views of Hon'ble Members.
    I assure the House that Government will give due weight to all aspects of the issue that was discussed in this House during the last two days.

    Note: Earlier, on 31st March, 2010, Home Minister said that the work of direct data collection for the National Population Register  (NPR) in the coastal villages of 8 States and 2 Union Territories is in progress. The biographical details of about 100 lakh persons and the biometric details of about 43 lakh persons have been collected so far.  

    He said, "Census 2011 is the largest exercise of its kind in human history.  Our goal is to identify, count, record and  issue identity cards to a population that is expected to be about 120 crore.  A year-long exercise of training sessions and workshops culminated in a Conference of District Magistrates at New Delhi on March 4, 2010. The data collected will also go into the National Population Register, the first of its kind in India. Cabinet has approved a sum of Rs.3,539.24 crore for the creation of the National Population Register." The exercise began on April 1, 2010 by enumerating the President of India and the Vice President of India.

    Link realtor's UID Aadhaar number to his bank a/cs to stop erring developers from overcharging

    Debasish Roy, ET Bureau Jul 17, 2011, 04.59am IST

    Tags:


    The only way to rein in erring real estate developers in overcharging customers is to make them accountable. Well, the government's reluctance in taking a bold step and introducing the Real Estate Regulator's Bill in Parliament clearly indicates that the common man will have to metamorphose into the angry young man and take the law into his own hands err contracts. Now whenever a transaction takes place in the world of Indian real estate, the customers are always at a disadvantage.

    Even if the customers file a first information report (FIR) with the police later, there is nothing to pin down the developers to their misdeeds. Punitive action is rare and the courts cannot depend on any special law for this matter. General law takes more than 10 years to help settle the dispute.

    Their business names are not unique. Their businesses are proprietorship in nature. They have no registered offices nor are they accountable to the Registrar of Companies.
    These real estate business organizations are not even trusts or societies that they would come under the purview of any government body or authority. Therefore, it would be logical to state that customers dig their own grave when they apply for an apartment made by a builder.
    So how do you pin down a builder or developer of land if he reneges on your contract or does not refund you your money?
    WHAT ARE THE PINS TO HOLD THEM DOWN WITH?
    Well, you pin down an animal with a body part. So you pin down a developer with something that he cannot let go either. Two things that Indian society does not let you go off are your income tax PAN number and your UID number.
    However, the PAN number is not mandatory. If you do not enter into transactions, which officially require you to pay or receive amounts higher than Rs 49,999.00 then you are not required to have a PAN number. If you do not earn your salary by cheque, again you do not need a PAN number.
    PAN number is mandatory for a tax payer. However, many developers do not show an annual income of more than Rs 2 lakh. So the question of filing income tax returns and hence the need for a PAN number does not arise at all. However, the new UID is not only mandatory for the lowest of the low income group but also bio-metric in nature. This is the god sent for legal and social activists who want to see some order in the arena of real estate.

  38. Full coverage

    Brinda assails Jairam's stand on BPL census process

    The Hindu - ‎Aug 9, 2011‎
    CPI(M) Polit Bureau member Brinda Karat on Tuesday attacked Union Minister of Rural Development Jairam Ramesh for his 'inflexible' stand on the process of BPL enumeration that threatens to exclude even manual scavengers from its purview and called upon ...

    BPL: More SC/ST families likely to get benefits

    Indian Express - ‎Aug 8, 2011‎
    While the Union Cabinet has already approved the methodology for socio-economic survey to identify below poverty line families, Rural Development Minister Jairam Ramesh on Monday hinted that he was contemplating modifying the methodology to ensure that ...

    Even gift moped will cost manual scavengers BPL status

    The Hindu - ‎Aug 8, 2011‎
    Can a manual scavenger, despite being given preference, be excluded from the BPL list if he or she possesses any one of the 13 listed assets? 'Yes,' said Union Minister Jairam Ramesh quoting the rules approved by the Cabinet at a meeting with ...

    States asked to prepare BPL list by March

    The Hindu - ‎Aug 8, 2011‎
    The Union government on Monday asked the States to prepare a below poverty line (BPL) list by March, census for which is now on, so that the needy are readied to enjoy the benefits to be rolled out under the 12th Five Year Plan. ...

    Rural development ministry to generate rank ordering rural households

    Newstrack India - ‎Aug 9, 2011‎
    New Delhi, Aug 9 (ANI): Rural Development Minister Jairam Ramesh has said his ministry will be generating a rank of rural households and not conduct a Below Poverty Line (BPL) survey. Speaking to mediapersons here on Monday, Ramesh said his ministry is ...

    Panchayat members to accompany caste census enumerators

    TwoCircles.net - ‎Aug 8, 2011‎
    By IANS, New Delhi : Rural Development Minister Jairam Ramesh Monday said the ongoing enumeration for socio-economic and caste census (SECC) was not a listing for BPL families. He said the enumeration has been made more open by inclusion of panchayat ...
    All 7 related articles »

ESSAY

DEMOCRACY DEFICIT

K.N. PANIKKAR

What democracy does in India is only a caricature of what democracy really is.

THE HINDU ARCHIVES 
 
Rajendra Prasad, the President of the Constituent Assembly of India, signing a copy of the new Constitution at the Constitutent Assembly Hall in New Delhi in November 1949.

IN none too rare a moment of scepticism and self-introspection, Bernard Shaw referred to one of the many obsessions the British nurtured as national character. The British, according to Shaw, were obsessed with principles; they invented them even when none existed. For instance, whenever the British stood by a monarch, even if he happened to be a despot known for cruelty, they did so on the principle of patriotism. However, they had no hesitation in consigning the same king to Westminster Abbey, if circumstances so demanded. While renouncing the earlier principle of patriotism in order to kill the king, they invoked a new principle – the principle of democracy!

Bernard Shaw seems to suggest that to the British principles are nothing but a convenient pretext, which can be invoked or discarded according to the exigencies of the situation. Having been tutored by the colonial masters in the principles of liberalism and influenced by the virtues of Indian civilisation, rooted in self-abnegation and renunciation, as taught by the spiritual mentors from Gautama Buddha to Mahatma Gandhi, Indians entertained a similar attitude towards idealism. Both patriotism and democracy are dear to their heart. But their commitment to them is more in principle and less in practice. Almost everyone swears by democracy, but very few care to follow it in public life. Consequently, there is a gulf, almost unbridgeable, between principle and practice. This essay is an effort to explore this gulf in the context of equality, which is the foundation of democracy. It is the contention of this essay that the crisis of Indian democracy is because of the failure of the state to ensure equality and the inability of civil society to create a public sphere capable of generating critical engagement with social issues.

Although democracy is a holistic phenomenon and its different components are interconnected, its three main attributes can be identified as political, economic and cultural equality. These three attributes collectively contribute to the make-up of a healthy democratic regime, and consequently the success of democracy depends upon the extent to which these equalities are respected and implemented. The vibrancy of a functioning democracy, therefore, would depend upon the social acceptance of the idea of equality, which as a principle the Indian Republic has written into its Constitution. Yet, in practice equality is a far cry in any of these three domains.

This condition raises the question whether the prevalence of institutional structures is a sufficient guarantee to ensure democratic rights. This question is pertinent in the Indian context as, despite institutional support, the functioning of Indian democracy during the last 63 years has perpetuated and deepened differences within society.

Political Equality

The institutional structure of Indian democracy prescribed by the Constitution provided for equality of rights to all citizens, regardless of social differences. The objectives Resolution itself stated this principle in unambiguous terms. It declared that there should be "secured to all the people… justice, social, economic and political; equality of status, of opportunity, and before the law…". Despite the continuous tinkering with the Constitution by the ruling elite – 95 amendments are in place so far – these basic guarantees of the Constitution have remained unaffected. Yet, in practice, democracy has not been able to secure justice to all; its dispensation has been distorted because democratic rights have not been accessible evenly to everyone.

Let us begin with political rights, which in some ways are central to democratic practice. The political rights subsume equality, without which democratic participation is not possible. Although political rights involve a wide range of issues, including freedom of expression and association, the right to represent and be represented through election is universally accepted as the defining feature of democracy. The importance of the system of representation of the people is that it erases the separation of the state and the people. But the government through representation recognises democracy only as a formal part of the state and not as its essence. Therein lies the weakness of the representative system of democracy, which is most glaring in the Indian case.

THE HINDU ARCHIVES 
 
THE POLITICAL CLASS is drawn from the affluent, educated and socially powerful sections of society. In this photograph, industrialist Vijay Mallya arrives in Parliament with his wife soon after his election to the Rajya Sabha in June 2002.

In India, the mechanism of representation is universal suffrage, both in the Centre and in the States. The successful record of timely elections has drawn universal admiration, particularly because in most other post-colonial countries election has been a major casualty. The successful conduct of elections has given considerable legitimacy to democratic polity and the system of representation on which its practice is embedded. Yet, the representative system raises a variety of questions about its democratic character. One of them is the manner in which majority is determined. Democracy being the rule of the majority, the process through which the majority is formed is of crucial importance. What constitutes the majority in a system of representation is open to different interpretations, as there are different modes of determining majority in an electoral system. India has adopted a direct system in which whoever gets the largest number of votes is elected.

This system does not necessarily ensure that those who enjoy electoral success have the mandate of the majority of those who exercise their right to vote. It is conceivable that those who wield power on behalf of the majority have in fact the support only of a minority. Such a contingency is possible because of the multiparty system, which allows not only different parties, but even individuals to contest elections. If votes are distributed among different contestants in a constituency, a candidate could win with less than 50 per cent votes. The democratic form of government based on such a mandate, in strict political sense, is not the rule of the majority. Naturally, such a situation adversely impacts upon the representative character of democratic institutions. Some democratic countries have tried to overcome this anomaly by insisting upon at least 50 per cent of the votes cast to the winning candidate.

Another pertinent question is whether the social conditions in India permit a free and fair working of the representative system. The political class in India is drawn from the affluent, educated and socially powerful sections of society. The system is so much under their thumb that the poor and the marginalised hardly have a chance to make it to the pulpit. As a consequence, in the Legislative Assemblies and in Parliament, they are represented, they hardly represent themselves, except through reservation. Therefore, the political opportunity and the social ability to represent the people is now confined to a minuscule section of society. The instances of former Presidents K.R. Narayanan and A.P.J. Abdul Kalam are always cited to prove the contrary. They are exceptions which prove the rule.

Every succeeding Parliament contains increasing numbers from the upper echelons of society, with the current House assuming the character of an exclusive club of millionaires and multimillionaires. The much-admired election itself has become so expensive that no ordinary citizen can afford to fight an election on his or her own steam. The only democratic right the demos enjoy is the privilege of electing their representatives. As a result the class composition of our democratic institutions has become almost predetermined.

Package of rights

The Constitution has given to the people an impressive package of democratic rights, which has earned plaudits from political scientists and constitutional experts. These rights are consistently invoked in public meetings, university classrooms and, indeed, in Parliament as well. Almost everybody swears by democracy, but the majority of the people have no stakes in its functioning, except as passive participants in the battle of the ballot.

In popular perception, and even in liberal scholarly analysis, the system of representation is synonymous with democratic polity. Samuel Huntington, for instance, observes, "Elections, open, free and fair, are the essence of democracy, the inescapable sine qua non." The idealisation of balloting is so overwhelming that all aberrations in its actual practice are tolerated, including the purchase of votes and distribution of incentives. This is partly because by and large elections have been taking place regularly, providing the people an opportunity to participate in the political process. The participation is not limited to the educated middle class, but extends to the poor and the marginalised in the rural sector who have shown considerable maturity in the exercise of democratic rights. The wisdom of the common voter has reinforced the faith in the system. The electoral behaviour of the people after the Emergency and the five-year rule of the Hindu communal forces are cited as examples of political maturity of the Indian electorate.

PAUL NORONHA 
 
DHARAVI IN MUMBAI is Asia's largest slum. In almost all major cities in India, about 60 per cent of the population lives in slums and on pavements.

Yet, the life of a large section of this electorate remains untouched by the democratic rule they have installed in power. As a result, discontent has been brewing in large parts of the country. In most cases the root cause of violence and insurgency has been this discontent. The state, instead of seeking a solution for the causes of discontent, uses its military might to suppress dissident voices. As a result, a large section of the population is alienated from the functioning of democratic institutions.

That democratic institutions have not yet achieved vertical expansion is possibly one of the reasons for this situation. In fact, Indian democracy suffers from over centralisation of authority and concentration of power. Mahatma Gandhi was quite conscious of this possibility and hence advocated gram swaraj for empowering people at the village level. The Panchayati Raj, which the state adopted for effecting vertical expansion of democratic practice, has not really become effective. As a result, common citizens have no voice in the actual working of the democratic structure, as the representative system per se does not ensure democratic rule. It only provides the basic structure for rule by the elected majority.

Cultural Equality

The making of India as a nation had to address the impact of cultural diversity on the practice of democracy. Cultural plurality has been the strength of Indian civilisation. But the absence of cultural equality led to the exclusion of many from the mainstream life. The hierarchical structure of caste and differences in religious life created cultural exclusion, which impinged adversely upon democratic practice.

Neither the 19th century renaissance nor the national movement succeeded in ushering in a sense of cultural equality, even if they were engaged in religion and social reform. The long-drawn-out struggle for independence brought different cultural groups together in a common endeavour, but it did not have much of an impact on the cultural boundaries separating different social groups. Therefore the process of nation-building on which India embarked upon after Independence had a distinct disadvantage of a culturally divided house on the basis of caste and religion. Society was made up of a large number of culturally distinct communities. The Anthropological Survey of India has estimated the existence of more than 4,000 communities with distinctly different cultural practices. The diversity meant plurality and coexistence, which could lead to mutual enrichment through assimilation, even if it did not result in synthesis. The Indian national movement was based on such a perception of cultural life, which was important for a democratic society. Gandhiji subscribed to this idea and Jawaharlal Nehru promoted it through a secular interpretation of the Indian past. The emergence of communal consciousness among Hindus and Muslims negated the multicultural conception of Indian civilisation. The cultural interpretation of the nation by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar and Mohammad Ali Jinnah undermined the nationalist efforts to construct a cultural unity.

VIKRAM KUMAR/AP 
 
BOOTH CAPTURERS WITH ballot papers in Fatehpur, near Patna, during panchayat elections in April 2001. The idealisation of balloting is so overwhelming that all aberrations in its actual practice are tolerated.

During the course of the 19th century, because of a variety of reasons ranging from internal reform to Census enumeration, religious and caste communities developed a consciousness, which, among other things, tended to reinforce their demarcation from each other. Initially, the demarcation was social in nature, often based on the quest for upward mobility in the caste hierarchy. Simultaneously most of them were also engaged in modernisation through changes in social practices and ritual performance, and through education and so on. However, modernisation did not erase or weaken but strengthened in an unprecedented manner the caste boundaries, which no longer remained fuzzy. Changes within the caste order through occupational mobility or fragmentation also became quite rare.

By the beginning of the 20th century caste was poised for more extensive social articulation, an opportunity for which presented itself with the introduction of the politics of representation. This was an opportunity caste had not enjoyed before. When the politics of representation was introduced in the 20th century, caste had the organisational strength to attempt political mobilisation. As a consequence, caste had the advantage of an already constructed social identity that was antithetical to the idea of democracy. "The conception and practice of caste," Nehru had observed, "embodied the aristocratic ideal and was obviously opposed to democratic conceptions."

Influence of religion

Simultaneously, the gulf between religious communities were also becoming increasingly wider and their relationships were becoming less and less harmonious. It coincided with the transition of the influence of religion from the private to the public sphere. The two major and interconnected developments promoting this transition in recent times have been the religionalisation of society and the commodification of religion. The emergence of new centres of worship and the organisation of pilgrimages have been part of this development. Even if the state has not been able to build enough number of dams and factories, which Nehru described as the temples of modern India, places of worship – temples and mosques – have recorded a phenomenal increase. Recent studies indicate that faith in religion and observance of rituals have increased considerably during the last few years all over the world. Perhaps no proof is needed for this phenomenon. The number of pilgrims thronging religious centres is enough of an indication of the hold of religious faith. Whatever the reason – crisis of the middle class and improved infrastructure, transport and communication – religion is being commodified.

It is difficult to estimate the amount of money generated by religious and ancillary activities. For religious centres have given rise to a variety of enterprises, including pilgrimage tourism. The importance of this development is that society has been divided on religious lines, which impinges upon the possibility of secular mobilisation.

The consequence of the importance thus gained by religion and religious entrepreneurs is the extension of their influence to the secular domain. An area in which this is most pronounced is politics, which has led to both religionisation of politics and politicisation of religion. In contemporary Indian politics, therefore, religion is a powerful mobilising force that is invoked even by secular parties and individuals in their quest for power. As a consequence, religion has an abiding presence in public life, steadily displacing secular engagements. The number of organisations that function in the guise of social and cultural activities but owe allegiance to different religions has increased steadily. Among Hindus, the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh has sponsored innumerable organisations that function as specialist agencies to deal with different aspects of social life. Through the Jan Sangh and then the Bharatiya Janata Party, they marked their presence in politics. So is the case with Muslims. Unfortunately, the attitude of the state has been one of vacillation and compromise, which has encouraged the intervention of religion in secular politics. The history of the dispute over the Babri Masjid is a prime example of the attitude of the state. The decline in the secular commitment of the state is the most dangerous threat Indian democracy has faced in recent times.

Caste and religion have had a subterranean presence in Indian politics from the time of the nationalist movement. Since then the situation has changed dramatically. The parties based on caste and religion have come to the fore and now command considerable space in politics. Their influence has become so decisive that caste-based parties have been in power in several States. At the same time, Hindu communal forces achieved a major political advance by wielding power at the Centre. More importantly, caste and religious consciousness has become so overpowering that almost every political party conducts its politics with an eye on possible caste and religious support. As a result, caste antagonism and religious conflict have become the order of the day and the tradition of accommodation and cultural interaction has been corroded, leading to an increasing gulf between religions and between castes. Hindus treat Muslims as culturally inferior. Within Hinduism, Dalits and other lower castes face cultural oppression. The cultural inferiority/superiority practised as a consequence has created an anti-democratic ambience. The absence of cultural equality has excluded a large section of people from the cultural mainstream and has led to interminable tension within society.

Economic Inequality

The economic conditions in post-colonial India were none too favourable for the successful functioning of a democratic system. Inherent in the conditions left behind by the colonial rulers were several areas of tension and conflict, which in course of time came to the fore. The economic disadvantages far surpassed the benefits of the liberal idea into which the intelligentsia was initiated by the colonial administration. The country was denuded of its resources by colonial appropriation; the system of communication and transport was not adequately developed; the social reach of education was limited; and facilities for medical care were unsatisfactory. In fact, colonialism ensured that Indian society remained backward in almost every aspect of human existence.

S. ARNEJA 
 
President K.R. Narayanan and President-elect A.P.J. Abdul Kalam at a party in Rashtrapati Bhavan soon after Kalam's election in 2002. The social ability to represent the people is now confined to a minuscule section. Narayanan and Abdul Kalam were exceptions who proved the rule.

The post-colonial economic policy and development was expected to overcome this backwardness as quickly as possible and ensure social justice by improving the conditions of the poor and the marginalised. The principle which informed this expectation was liberal idealism, which advocated that all citizens have an equal right to the resources of the nation. The nature of economic development based on capitalist modernisation adopted this idea in principle but belied it in practice by pursuing an entirely different course. As a consequence, economic development became elite-centred, which apportioned the resources in a manner that ensured that it was utilised primarily for improving the quality of life of the upper stratum of society. What the poor could expect at best was the trickle-down effect. The justification advanced by the state for such a policy was quite attractive to the middle class. It genuinely believed that neoliberal conditions were a necessary prerequisite for a leap forward in the country's quest for modernisation. The change in the character of the market now available to it has reinforced its conviction.

Modernisation, however, cannot be achieved without sacrifices by some strata or the other. If so, let it be the poor. Let them live on Rs.20 or less a day, send their children to schools without blackboards and benches and sleep on the pavements in metropolitan cities, borrow from moneylenders to marry off daughters, and, if life becomes unbearable, let them choose the honourable option of committing suicide. The others need not have any moral compunction, as these sacrifices, after all, are for creating a modern nation.

Two worlds

The country is now divided between an inner world of the affluent and the outer world of the poor. The most striking metaphor of this distinction is the state-of-the-art airports, artistically decorated and thickly carpeted, with outlets of designer products, massage parlours and food courts. In contrast, what a passenger sees while landing in Mumbai, the most modern of Indian metropolises, is not so aesthetically attractive – a sprawling slum with plastic sheets used for protection from nature. The slums are not limited to the outskirts of airports. In almost all major cities about 60 per cent of the population lives in slums and on footpaths.

The disparity between the two worlds, which militates against the democratic ideal, is so stark that it is nothing short of a miracle that the country is able to maintain social equilibrium. Not that there are no conflicts, revolts or insurgencies. There are a plenty. The tribal people in the north-eastern part of the country have been in a state of continuous turmoil; Dalits are alienated from the mainstream; and the people of Kashmir have been living under Army occupation for years. Yet, the nation has held together primarily because of two reasons. First, strong intervention by the state, including the use of the Army, whenever its authority was questioned, either for preserving the nation's unity or for safeguarding the interests of the privileged sections. This has led to violations of human rights. The Army operation against the Maoists and the arrest and incarceration of Binayak Sen are recent examples. In dealing with internal challenges, the Indian state has been quite powerful, even brutal, although quite weak in responding to imperialist aggressions.

Secondly, the Indian democratic practices have performed an ideological function to attract the underprivileged to the democratic fold. In the perspective of many people, elections are the be-all and end-all of democracy. The liberal ideologues of the capitalist system romanticise elections as the most important measure of democracy. The enthusiastic participation of the rural poor and urban slum dwellers and other such sections of society is taken as an indication of popular support to the system. But a comparable involvement with the actual functioning of democracy has not been forthcoming, even among the middle class. The absence of a public sphere, actively engaged in subjecting democratic practices to critical scrutiny, has been one among the many reasons for this indifference.

Role of Public Sphere

The active involvement of civil society is a prerequisite for the effective functioning of the democratic system. In fact, without critical transactions in the public sphere democratic practice is likely to remain weak and ineffective. As pointed out by John Rawls and Habermas, the ability for public reasoning, which discussion and dialogue in the public sphere alone can realise, is central to democratic practice. Rawls has suggested that the "definitive idea for deliberative democracy is the idea of deliberation itself. When citizens deliberate, they exchange views and debate their supporting reasons concerning public political questions." In a democratic system there are different fora available for discussion about the practice of democracy. Most of them are formal institutions of the state such as the legislature and committees of the executive. The administrative policies and decisions are also brought before the judiciary. A much more important role is perhaps vested with the institutions functioning outside the government structure. "Democracy has to be judged," writes Amartya Sen, "not just by the institutions that formally exist but by the extent to which different voices from diverse sections of the people can actually be heard" ( Amartya Sen, The Idea of Justice, London, 2009, page xiii). That is possible only when democracy is enriched by political participation, dialogue and public interaction, as balloting can be manipulated, as has happened in several authoritarian regimes in the past. Even Adolf Hitler came to power through the support of the ballot. It is in this context that the role of the public sphere and of the civil society organisations that inhabit it become important.

The public sphere in India has primarily evolved through the interventions of voluntary organisations and the media. In shaping the character of the public sphere and the nature of transactions within it they have exercised considerable influence, at least from the 18th century. They have been instrumental in organising and promoting the exchange of views on secular subjects. In the process they introduced a critical and rational character to the public sphere in dealing with the problems of both the state and society. The Indian intelligentsia imbibed early lessons in public reasoning through its participation in these institutions. Voluntary organisations do not play such a role any longer, either because their character has changed or because the space occupied by them has been taken over by non-governmental organisations, or NGOs, which function mainly as extensions of the state apparatus. Most of them have lost their critical and rational spirit and consequently have increasingly succumbed to the influence of religious and communal rationale. Innumerable organisations are now present in the public sphere, which does not promote informed discussion but spreads obscurantism and irrationality. This transformation has led to the reordering of the public sphere, which no more promotes rational dialogue conducive to the growth of public reasoning.

Role of media

A comparable change has taken place in the character of the media, which in the past played a decisive role in the formation of the public sphere and transactions within it. The media in India, as in any other country, had a protective function that can be traced to the manner in which colonialism was subjected to criticism. The media devoted considerable space to highlight the contradiction between the colonial state and the people which deepened the public reasoning of democratic aspirations. As a result, media became a powerful channel for the dissemination of anti-colonial consciousness and nationalism. In the process it promoted informed public discussion, which helped the growth of a democratic ethos.

The role of the media became more important in post-Independence India because of the nexus between public reasoning and democratic practice. The nature of issues on which debates were conducted in the public sphere impacted upon the content of democracy. However, they were predominantly on problems that concerned the interests of the privileged sections, as debates were controlled and conducted by the members of the middle class. In these debates the protective function of the media was almost absent.

The media is more concerned with the freedom of expression, dissemination of information and propagation of values. What is missing is the campaign for social justice, as a result of which no public pressure is exerted on democratic institutions to take cognisance of the misery of the common people. The suicides of farmers because of poverty, or of students because of their inability to pay fees, receive only passing reference. At the same time, the media focus on the adventures, or are they misadventures, of the affluent, for which regular slots are reserved. If society as depicted in the visual media is real, the only preoccupation of the people is to adorn expensive clothes, pray to the family deity and consume rich food. Evidently such a media cannot make a healthy contribution to debates that are meant to enrich democratic practice.

Indian democracy has evolved an institutional structure on the basis of the principles and prescriptions laid down in the Constitution. But there is a wide gulf between precept and practice. Democracy as practised by the state and society is far removed from the ideal form of democracy in which equalities – political, cultural and economic – are continuously negotiated. The gulf between the concept and practice may not be fully bridged ever, but it could be reduced through continuous public reasoning and dialogue. Amartya Sen has argued that the availability of a most perfect institutional structure need not necessarily ensure the success of democracy. The success would largely depend upon the intervention of human agency for using the available opportunities.

What democracy does in India is only a caricature of what democracy really is. The ideal is indeed difficult to realise. But it is likely that struggles within democracy might take it closer to an approximation of what democracy is.

( This is the text of the inaugural address at the Asian College of Journalism on July 11, 2011.

K.N. Panikkar is former professor of Modern Indian History at Jawaharlal Nehru University. He can be reached at knpanikkar@gmail.com)

http://www.frontline.in/stories/20110826281708600.htm

--
Palash Biswas
Pl Read:
http://nandigramunited-banga.blogspot.com/
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