From: Erooth Mohamed <ekunhan@gmail.com>
Date: Fri, Feb 11, 2011 at 8:36 PM
Subject: [bangla-vision] EgyptUnrest: What the Muslim Brothers Want.. Protesters move to shut off key govt buildings.. Mubarak Vows To Stay... Islamists & Egyptian revolution..Salafis backing the dictator!.. How hard would it be to back Egyptian democracy, Mr President? Weal
Egyptian protesters move to shut off key government buildings in Cairo
February 11, 2011
Demonstrators coalesce around the state TV and radio building and a few hundred protesters engage in a standoff with Mubarak loyalists outside the presidential palace in Heliopolis. The army vows to uphold Mubarak's promises of reform.
- THE Egyptian people have spoken, and we have spoken emphatically; in two weeks of peaceful demonstrations we have persistently demanded liberation and democracy.
- We come with no special agenda of our own — our agenda is that of the Egyptian people, which has been asserted since the beginning of this uprising.
- We aim to achieve reform and rights for all: not just for the Muslim Brotherhood, not just for Muslims, but for all Egyptians. We are not putting forward a candidate for the presidential elections scheduled for September.
- We disagree with the claims that the only options in Egypt are a purely secular, liberal democracy or an authoritarian theocracy. Secular liberal democracy of the American and European variety, with its firm rejection of religion in public life, is not the exclusive model for a legitimate democracy. In Egypt, religion continues to be an important part of our culture and heritage. Moving forward, we envision the establishment of a democratic, civil state that draws on universal measures of freedom and justice, which are central Islamic values. We embrace democracy not as a foreign concept that must be reconciled with tradition, but as a set of principles and objectives that are inherently compatible with and reinforce Islamic tenets..
Brian Rea
Related
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Times Topics: Muslim Brotherhood (Egypt) | Egypt News — The Protests
THE Egyptian people have spoken, and we have spoken emphatically. In two weeks of peaceful demonstrations we have persistently demanded liberation and democracy. It was groups of brave, sincere Egyptians who initiated this moment of historical opportunity on Jan. 25, and the Muslim Brotherhood is committed to joining the national effort toward reform and progress.
In more than eight decades of activism, the Muslim Brotherhood has consistently promoted an agenda of gradual reform. Our principles, clearly stated since the inception of the movement in 1928, affirm an unequivocal position against violence. For the past 30 years we have posed, peacefully, the greatest challenge to the ruling National Democratic Party of Hosni Mubarak, while advocating for the disenfranchised classes in resistance to an oppressive regime.
We have repeatedly tried to engage with the political system, yet these efforts have been largely rejected based on the assertion that the Muslim Brotherhood is a banned organization, and has been since 1954. It is seldom mentioned, however, that the Egyptian Administrative Court in June 1992 stated that there was no legal basis for the group's dissolution.
In the wake of the people's revolt, we have accepted invitations to participate in talks on a peaceful transition. Along with other representatives of the opposition, we recently took part in exploratory meetings with Vice President Omar Suleiman. In these talks, we made clear that we will not compromise or co-opt the public's agenda. We come with no special agenda of our own — our agenda is that of the Egyptian people, which has been asserted since the beginning of this uprising.
We aim to achieve reform and rights for all: not just for the Muslim Brotherhood, not just for Muslims, but for all Egyptians. We do not intend to take a dominant role in the forthcoming political transition. We are not putting forward a candidate for the presidential elections scheduled for September.
While we express our openness to dialogue, we also re-assert the public's demands, which must be met before any serious negotiations leading to a new government. The Mubarak regime has yet to show serious commitment to meeting these demands or to moving toward substantive, guaranteed change.
As our nation heads toward liberty, however, we disagree with the claims that the only options in Egypt are a purely secular, liberal democracy or an authoritarian theocracy. Secular liberal democracy of the American and European variety, with its firm rejection of religion in public life, is not the exclusive model for a legitimate democracy.
In Egypt, religion continues to be an important part of our culture and heritage. Moving forward, we envision the establishment of a democratic, civil state that draws on universal measures of freedom and justice, which are central Islamic values. We embrace democracy not as a foreign concept that must be reconciled with tradition, but as a set of principles and objectives that are inherently compatible with and reinforce Islamic tenets.
The tyranny of autocratic rule must give way to immediate reform: the demonstration of a serious commitment to change, the granting of freedoms to all and the transition toward democracy. The Muslim Brotherhood stands firmly behind the demands of the Egyptian people as a whole.
Steady, gradual reform must begin now, and it must begin on the terms that have been called for by millions of Egyptians over the past weeks. Change does not happen overnight, but the call for change did — and it will lead us to a new beginning rooted in justice and progress.
Essam El-Errian is a member of the guidance council of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt.
Photo: AP
Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak makes a televised statement to his nation in this image taken from TV that aired February 10, 2011
Saying a peaceful transfer of power is underway, Mr. Mubarak refused to give in to demands of tens of thousands of anti-government protesters who took to the streets for a 17th straight day to demand his immediate resignation.
Demonstrators in Cairo's main Tahrir Square jeered and chanted "get out" during the speech. They had earlier danced in expectation that Mubarak would resign.
It was the second time in two weeks that Mubarak told the nation he will stay in office until September.
His speech came on state television shortly after 10:45 p.m. in Egypt.
Earlier in the day, Egyptian military officials and members of the ruling party said Mr. Mubarak will "meet protesters' demands."
Egyptians have been calling for the ouster of President Mubarak, 82, who has been in power for nearly 30 years. They have been demanding he leave immediately.
Earlier in the day, the military's supreme council met without the commander in chief, Mr. Mubarak. The military is due to issue a statement shortly on state television.
The military earlier announced on state television it supports the "legitimate demands of the people.'' A spokesman said the council was exploring what measures could be made to "safeguard" the nation and its people.
Doctors in white lab coats and lawyers in black robes had earlier flooded into Tahrir Square, linking striking workers with anti-government protesters.
Mubarak Says No To German-American Offer To Retire, Refuses To Go To Health Clinic In Germany February 11, 2011
Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak has refused the U.S.-German offer to leave Egypt and move to Germany for medical treatment, according to Der Spiegel.
Earlier this week, Der Spiegel exposed that the U.S. and Germany were planning a scenario for Mubarak to retire to a German clinic, where he could receive treatment for the cancer it is believed he has.
Now it's clear Mubarak has turned down the offer. Egypt's Vice President Omar Suleiman said, "We are grateful for the offer from Germany but the president does not require medical treatment."
This doesn't rule out Mubarak going into exile, but it likely does rule out Germany as a venue.
++++++++++ |
- Salafi groups were clearly supportive of the regime.
- Many salafis opposed the revolution and the principle of political opposition more broadly, which the regime tried to use to its favor.
- Salafis unanimously boycotted the revolution, claiming it was sedition; they accepted decades of injustice, but rejected the revolution.
- The revolution revealed an unintended alliance between the Mubarak regime and the Salafi movement, this movement is backed by elements in Saudi Arabia.
- The Egyptian regime had just recently banned Salafi TV channels, accusing them of inciting sectarian conflict.
- The Egyptian regime reversed this stand when unrest started and employed Salafi sheikhs as a tool in its war against the revolution.
- Salafi sheikhs and figures, such as Mohammed Hassan, Mahmoud Al-Masri, Mostafa al-Adawi, appeared on state television and private channels close to the regime, calling to end the protests, arguing security, dangers of sedition.. some even instigated the revolution is a American-Zionist conspiracy or akin to the Iranian revolution.
- Salafis stand toward the Egyptian revolution has no surprise, they have a history of supporting the regime - the famous Salafi edict to kill prominent reform advocate Mohammed ElBaradei is proof.
- Salafis issued an edict banning nominations against President Mubarak in the 2005 presidential elections on grounds that Mubarak was the commander of the faithful.
- Salafis involvement in Egyptian terrorism; Two Saints Church in Alexandria on New Year 's Eve, hundreds of Salafis were arrested and one died as a result of torture.. but still the Salafs in Alexandria (and across various other governorates) opposed the revolution, going as far as closing down some mosques on the "Friday of Departure."
- Salafis are the strongest source of religious support--direct and indirect--for the regime at the moment.
- The fact that the Salafi movement generally opposed to the revolution and allied with the regime does not mean that there were no Salafi voices in favor of revolution. Some voices have taken a progressive stance against the regime, perhaps even more radical than many liberals and leftists. This was particularly true of the Islah Party project, advocated by Salafi politicians like Gamal Sultan in the late 1990s.
Any discussion of the status of Islamists in a new Egypt makes little sense if it's based on the same data that was previously used to study religious movements, and if it ignores the fact that Egypt has witnessed a revolution that destroyed many of the old features of its religious scene.
The revolution was not just directed against the autocratic, repressive and corrupt Egyptian regime, which relied on an alliance of money, power and corruption. It was also directed against the official religious establishment and its discourse that supports this regime, either directly or indirectly.
The Egyptian revolution has completely reconfigured the religious scene and clarified the public's position towards religious institutions and discourses in the country. The result has been surprising. No one expected that religious Egyptians are capable of overriding the powers of religious institutions and of challenging religious discourses that they suddenly perceived as part of a corrupt and repressive regime.
The official religious establishments--both Islamic and Christian--have been the biggest losers in the revolution. Al-Azhar was late in addressing the situation. Ahmed al-Tayyib, the Grand Sheikh, waited a long time before making statements that departed from his unequivocal support for the regime. But these statements did not measure up to the revolution. As an official religious institution that is wholly connected to the state--structurally and financially--Al-Azhar did not change its discourse very much after the revolution.
Al-Azhar called for calm when the revolution reached its peak. It rejected Egyptian "in-fighting"--ignoring that what happened was a shameful attack orchestrated by the regime with the help of criminals and thugs. Al-Azhar issued vague statements about the need to end the revolution, but made no mention of the regime. Al-Azhar's only redeeming stance was to invite youth activists for a dialogue. Also, Al-Azhar's official spokesperson Mohammed Rifa'a al-Tahtawi, submitted his resignation and allied himself with the protesters and several preachers joined the protesters in their unique attire.
For its part, the Grand Mufti's Office did everything possible to provide a religious cover for the regime. Grand Mufti Ali Gomaa issued an edict on the "Friday of Departure" (February 4) barring Muslims from praying in mosques.
Fourteen days into the revolution, it has become clear that the public has paid little attention to the Islamic religious establishment. Aware that Gomaa's edicts are politically motivated (like his earlier pronouncements that youth who die while emigrating illegally are committing suicide and cannot be considered martyrs), protesters ignored Gomaa's words.
The position of the most prominent Christian religious institution, the Coptic Church, has been the most blatantly biased toward the regime. Pope Shenouda opposed the 25 January protests and called on Copts not to participate. He maintained this position throughout the revolution, openly declaring his support for Mubarak. Many Copts still took to the streets, refusing to abide by the Pope's directives. The revolution came as Copts had been mounting the biggest challenge of the Church and its monopoly over the representation of Egypt's Christians. Tens of articles were being written over the last few months arguing that Christian voices must be heard outside the Church, in political parties and programs. The participation of Christians, especially Christian youth, in these protests constitutes another revolution--one that is directed against the Church that has used a sectarian discourse to isolate Copts from the street and to rally Christians behind Mubarak's regime on grounds that it offers guarantees to the Christian community.
Much like the Egyptian people succeeded in overriding state-supported religious institutions, they have also succeeded in overriding Salafi groups that were clearly supportive of the regime. Many salafis opposed the revolution and the principle of political opposition more broadly, which the regime tried to use to its favor. Salafis unanimously boycotted the revolution, claiming it was sedition. They accepted decades of injustice, but rejected the revolution. The revolution revealed an unintended alliance between the Mubarak regime and the Salafi movement. On the one hand, this movement is backed by elements in Saudi Arabia. On the other hand, its members are periodically subjected to harassment by the regime. However, the regime does not see this as completely eliminating its alliance with the movement, as long as the movement continues to support the regime politically.
One of the paradoxes of the Egyptian revolution is that a regime that had just recently banned Salafi TV channels and accused them of inciting sectarian conflict reversed its position and employed Salafi sheikhs in its war against the revolution. This time, Salafi sheikhs and figures, such as Mohammed Hassan, Mahmoud Al-Masri, Mostafa al-Adawi, appeared on state television and private channels close to the regime. They called for an end to protests, using arguments about security and the dangers of sedition. Some went as far as questioning the patriotism of those who instigated the revolution, arguing that it was an American-Zionist conspiracy or akin to the Iranian revolution. The manipulative statements of Iranian leaders in support of the Egyptian uprising further contributed to the Salafi counterattack.
The position of Salafis toward the Egyptian revolution comes as no surprise, especially as they have a history of supporting the regime. The famous Salafi edict to kill prominent reform advocate Mohammed ElBaradei is proof. The same sheikh issued an edict banning nominations against President Mubarak in the 2005 presidential elections on grounds that Mubarak was the commander of the faithful. What's surprising, however, is the position of Salafis in Alexandria. This school is among the most independent from the regime and has sometimes even opposed it. Its members have been subjected to tight security measures and arrest campaigns. These campaigns peaked following the attack on the Two Saints Church in Alexandria on New Year 's Eve. Hundreds of Salafis were arrested and one died as a result of torture. Despite this, the Salafs in Alexandria (and across various other governorates) opposed the revolution, going as far as closing down some mosques on the "Friday of Departure." They stoked fears about the threat other political currents--a possible reference to ElBaradei's National Association for Change--posed to the Islamic identity.
Salafis are the strongest source of religious support--direct and indirect--for the regime at the moment. But this means the future of the Salafi movement is on the line. On the one hand, the revolution's triumph over the Salafi movement might lead Salafis to revise their positions. On the other hand, if the revolution is unable to achieve its democratic aspirations, the Salafi movement may reassert its old position with the backing of the regime.
Surely, this analysis includes a great deal of generalization with regards to the Salafi movement. The fact that the Salafi movement was generally opposed to the revolution and allied with the regime does not mean that there were no Salafi voices in favor of revolution. Some voices have taken a progressive stance against the regime, perhaps even more radical than many liberals and leftists. This was particularly true of the Islah Party project, advocated by Salafi politicians like Gamal Sultan in the late 1990s.
The rest of the political forces comprising the Islamist current are divided into armed Jihadi groups that fought against the regime for decades before renouncing violence, and peaceful groups, most prominently the Muslim Brotherhood.
With the exception of a statement by Jihadi leaders Abud and Tarik Al-Zumur in support of the revolution, Al-Jamaat Al-Islamiya and the rest of the Jihadis that renounced violence called for the end of the revolution. Al-Jamaat refused to bring down Mubarak and expressed its satisfaction with his intention not to seek another term in office. Al-Jamaat leaders also insisted on the group's participation in any political dialogue, even though it had not participated in the revolution. The regime immediately accepted Al-Jamaat's request. This can be seen as part of the regime's strategy to include many different political forces in a dialogue to discuss demands that are not those of the revolution.
For its part, the Muslim Brotherhood, continues to participate in protests and has not yet pulled out. Despite this, however, there was a significant shift in the Brotherhood's position in the past few days after the group agreed to participate in a national dialogue with Mubarak is still in power. This effectively means the Brotherhood has conceded on its demand for the president's immediate departure, and that it has entered into a dialogue in accordance with the regime's conditions.
Many harbor the usual doubts that the Brotherhood remains close to the regime, even as it revolts on the street. There are always great pressures governing the Brotherhood's relationship to the state, most notably its desire to become a legal political movement. There is also a desire to translate the gains of the revolution into tangible improvements in the Brotherhood's political and legal standing, both domestically and abroad, especially after the movement was invited to join the national dialogue as any other legal political party.
Many in the Brotherhood seem to be acting with a pre-revolutionary mentality, as if no revolution has taken place and as if the regime is still strong. They are failing to ask themselves whether they should fully embrace the demands of the revolution. This is a problem, for it sets limits on what the revolution can achieve rather than thinking about the possibilities that it offers.
- Update - All US Ambassadors Called Back To Washington: In an unprecedented move, apparently one that has never happened before, nearly all U.S. Ambassadors to all nations have been called back to Washington.
- Back off Hosni Mubarak, Saudi King Abdullah warns Barack Obama Saudi Arabia has warned Barack Obama not to push for swift regime change in Egypt..
- Egyptian Revolution 2011 COMPLETE. World MUST MUST watch this.. Freedom for All! We are saying 'enough is enough'.. 'Mubarak, get out of Egypt'...
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From: Adibsk <adibsk@cyberia.net.lb>
Date: 2011/2/5
Subject: Wealth of the Mubarak dynasty/arabic ( الأسرة الحاكمة في مصر في بنوك العالم 40 مليار دولار)))
To: Adibsk <adibsk@cyberia.net.lb>
ثروات آل مبارك
(تملك الأسرة الحاكمة في مصر في بنوك العالم 40 مليار دولار)
الترجمة إلى الإنجليزية: أديب قعوار
Wealth of the Mubarak Dynasty
The ruling family of Egypt owns US$40 Billon
deposited in international bans and real estate
Al-Khabar Algerian daily wrote
Translated by: Adib S. Kawar
The Algerian daily "Al-Khabar" published a documented report
supported with figures about Mubarak's family wealth given
by well informed sources, and said that the family of
Muhammad Hosni Mubarak, the Egyptian president,
including his wife, Suzan Mubarak, and his two sons, Jamal and Allaa
own more than US$ 40 billion in real estate and cash in banks,
American financial establishments and Swiss and British banks.
The paper's sources points out that Jamal Mubarak, assistant secretary general
of the ruling party, The National Democratic Party, owns alone
a wealth estimated at US$ 17 billion invested in secret accounts
spread in several financial establishments in Switzerland,
Germany, the United Stated and the United Kingdom,
where he owns a secret current account in the Swiss Bank U.B.S.
another in I. C.M…His wealth is spread through several funds
in the United States and the United Kingdom, among which are
are the British real estate "Bristol and West" establishment
and "Financial Data Service". which runs mutual financial
investment funds.
As for Mrs. Suzan Mubarak she owns as per a secret report
by high foreign sources, she entered the billionaires club since
the year 2000, when her personal fortune exceeded one
billion dollars, deposited mostly in American banks, she also
owns real estate in several European cities such as London, Frankfort,
Madrid and Paris and in Dubai. Egypt's "first lady" owns today between
three and five billion Dollars, most of which she got through
personal interferences in the interest of businessmen.
As for Allaa, his personal fortune that includes real estate and cash
is worth US $ 8 billion. His real estate belongings are spared around
in Los Angeles, Washington and Rodeo Drive Manhattan,
New York, one of the most prestigious streets in
the world, worth more than two billion Dollars
in addition two private aero planes and a royal yacht worth
about sixty million US Dollars
"Al-Khabar" said in its report, as for the son of the
Egyptian peasant. President Hosni Mubarak's fortune is worth
more than US$ 15 Billion, which he earned from commissions
on real estate, arms transactions, suspicious real estate transactions
and touristic sites such as Al-Ghardakah and Sharm Al-Sheikh.
It is not strange that the Mubarak Dynasty's fortune is estimated
at about US$ 40 bollion. The source of income is from 50% commissions on
net profits imposed in the interest of one of the members of the Mubarak clan
on most big companies of cigarettes such as Marlboro, Hermes and
MacDonald's (Mansour), Skoda (Shafik Jaber), Al-Izz Iron (Ahmad Izz)
Dream Land (Ahmad Bahjat), which is a company that owns
TV stations that daily attack Algeria. ART (Saleh Kamel), First
(Kamel Al-Khawli), Moven Peak (Hussein Salem), The Tijari
(Al-Malwani), Vodafone (Nseir) previously before imposing the
same percentage on the British company that own Vodafone Egypt,
Cyrenaica (Abu Al-Ainan), Nassajoun (Weavers) (Khamis)
Hyundai (Gouyour), Minable (Sawiros), Al-Ahram for Drinks
(Al-Rayan), City Stars (Al-Sharbatly and Al-Shakishi),
Amercana (Al-Khurafi and Al-Alfi), Schuler (Mansour Amer)
and many others of big companies.
--------------------------------------- Wicked cartoons by America's Most Wanted Political Cartoonist. Enjoy!
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الحكام العرب إلى المنفى وما نهبوه من الشعب العربي
ثروات آل مبارك
( الأسرة الحاكمة في مصر في بنوك العالم 40 مليار دولار)
صحيفة الخبر ومليارات آل مبارك
أوردت صحيفة (الخبر) الجزائرية تقريرا
وسعا مدعوما بالأرقام حول ثروات آل
الرئيس المصري، وقالت إن مصادر عليمة
للغاية كشفت لها أن أسرة الرئيس المصري
محمد حسني مبارك، وهي زوجته السيدة سوزان
مبارك ونجلاه جمال وعلاء، يملكون أكثر من
40 مليار دولار كعقارات وأصول في بنوك
ومؤسسات استثمارية أمريكية وبنوك
سويسرية وبريطانية.
وتشير مصادر الصحيفة إلى أن جمال مبارك،
الأمين العام المساعد للحزب الوطني
الحاكم في مصر، يملك لوحده ثروة تقدر بـ17
مليار دولار موزعة على عدة مؤسسات مصرفية
في سويسرا وألمانيا والولايات المتحدة
وبريطانيا، حيث يملك حسابا جاريا سريا في
بنك ''يو بي أس'' السويسري وحسابا ثانيا في
بنك سويسري آخر هو ''آي سي أم''.. وتتوزع
ثروته عبر صناديق استثمارية عديدة في
الولايات المتحدة وبريطانيا منها مؤسسة
''بريستول آند ويست'' العقارية
البريطانية، ومؤسسة ''فاينانشال داتا
سيرفس''، التي تدير صناديق الاستثمار
المشترك.
أما السيدة سوزان فإنها، حسب تقرير سري
تداولته جهات أجنبية عليا، دخلت نادي
المليارديرات منذ العام 2000، حين تجاوزت
ثروتها الشخصية مليار دولار تحتفظ
بأغلبها في بنوك أمريكية، كما أنها تملك
عقارات في عدة عواصم أوروبية مثل لندن
وفرانكفورت ومدريد وباريس وفي إمارة دبي.
وتتراوح ثروة سيدة مصر الأولى اليوم بين 3
و5 مليار دولار، وقد جنت أغلبها من
التدخلات الشخصية لها لصالح مستثمرين
ورجال أعمال.
أما علاء مبارك فقد بلغت قيمة ممتلكاته
وأمواله الشخصية داخل وخارج مصر 8 مليار
دولار، منها ممتلكات عقارية في كل من لوس
أنجلس وواشنطن ونيويورك، حيث يمتلك
عقارات تعدت قيمتها 2, مليار دولار في
شارع روديو درايف، وهو أحد أرقى شوارع
العالم، وفي ضاحية منهاتن في نيويورك،
بالإضافة إلى امتلاكه لطائرتين شخصيتين
ويخت ملكي تفوق قيمته 60 مليون أورو.
وقالت (الخبر) في تقريرها: اما بخصوص ابن
الفلاح المصري الرئيس محمد حسني مبارك،
فقد بلغت قيمة ثروته الشخصية في العام 2001
ما لا يقل عن 10 مليار دولار أغلبها أموال
سائلة في بنوك أمريكية وسويسرية
وبريطانية مثل بنك سكوتلاند الإنجليزي
وبنك كريديت سويس السويسري
وقدرت مصادر الصحيفة الجزائرية أموال
الرئيس مبارك، بما لا يقل عن 15 مليار
دولار جنيه أغلبها من عمولات في صفقات
سلاح وصفقات عقارية مشبوهة في القاهرة
ومناطق الاستثمار السياحي في الغردقة
وشرم الشيخ، وليس مستغربا أن تصل قيمة
ثروة آل مبارك إلى أكثر من 40 مليار، ذلك
أن أغلب الشركات الكبرى مفروض عليها أن
تقدم 50 بالمائة من أرباحها السنوية لأحد
أفراد أسرة مبارك، وهذا ما تحدث عنه صحف
ومواقع إلكترونية مصرية، حيث يحصل آل
مبارك على 50 بالمائة من صافي الأرباح في
مؤسسات السجائر مارلبورو ومترو، وهيرميس
وماكدونلدز (منصور)، وسكودا (شفيق جبر)،
وحديد العز (أحمد عز)، ودريم لاند (أحمد
بهجت) وهي الشركة التي تتبعها محطات
تلفزيون تهاجم الجزائر بصفة يومية، وإيه
أر تى (صالح كامل)، وفرست (كامل والخولي)،
وموفينبيك (حسين سالم)، والتجاري
(الملواني)، وفودافون (نصير) سابقاً قبل
أن يفرضوا نفس النسبة على الشركة
الإنجليزية التي تملك فودافون مصر،
وسيراميكا (أبو العنين)، والنساجون
(خميس)، وموبينيل (ساويرس)، وهيونداي
(غبور)، والأهرام للمشروبات (الزيات)،
وسيتي ستارز (الشربتلي والشكبكشى)،
وأمريكانا (الخرافي والألفي)، وتشيليز
(منصور عامر) وغيرها وغيرها من الشركات
الكبرى.
++++++++++++++++
From: raja chemayel <chemayelraja@yahoo.co.uk>
Date: Sat, Feb 5, 2011 at 12:25 AM
Subject: [APFT] Omar Suleiman's Family album!!
To:
Omar Suleiman is also the architect of the rendition-program in which
--
Palash Biswas
Pl Read:
http://nandigramunited-banga.blogspot.com/
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