Tuesday, September 1, 2015

#StandUpIndia: Modi’s Labor law amendment will be a disaster for India’s workers

#StandUpIndia: Modi's Labor law amendment will be a disaster for India's workers

The amendment

  • Modi sarkar's labour law amendment will weaken unions and lessen management
  • Definition of a factory will be revised by doubling the minimum threshold of workers employed
  • To avail any protection and benefits, an employee has to be deemed permanent. 80% are not
  • Apprentice amendment bill gives employers the sole authority to decide hours of work of apprentices
  • Any person above the age of 14 can be appointed as an apprentice
  • This can promote child labour Labour unions are organising a nation-wide strike on 2 September to protest this amendment

Accidents

  • 40,000 fatal industrial accidents occur in India each year. Only 222 of them are reported (ILO estimates)
  • Some, like 50-year-old automobile factory worker Narendra Kumarare left disabled for life
  • Most companies handle such accidents behind closed doors
  • Even unions seldom raise a hue-and-cry

Narendra Kumar was in the generator room of Sunbeam Auto Pvt Ltd 's factory on the Gurgaon Jaipur highway on 20 September 2012. Being the 'fitter' in the company for the past 15 years it was like any other day at Sunbeam. He had punched in his card at 9 am.

When he was called to check a connection, there were about 7 other people in the generator room. It looked like a simple enough job that needed welding and fitting.

Halfway through the task, when he touched one of the loose wires he felt a wild current running through his body. It was a short circuit. In an instant it was a flash fire that erupted and clung to his body. He fell to the ground, his body in flames. The workers in the room did everything they could to douse the fire, taking wet cloths and beating his body. But Kumar's skin was melting face down.

Also read – They don't make them anymore: 5 working class heroes from Bollywood

His clothes had to be ripped off the front of his body. Within minutes an ambulance was called and he was rushed to a nearby hospital. Upon realising the severity of the burns, he was eventually taken to Delhi's Ram Manohar Lohia Hospital. Kumar was diagnosed with 55% burns.

What he regrets is not that the entire front of his body, face down, looks like a half-cooked omelette – it is that the bones of his fingers reshaped themselves in the burn and have now made his fingers, like spread out digits, unable to touch each other. The most Kumar can do is make his left forefinger lightly touch the tip of his thumb, useful only for perhaps holding a cup of chai.

For all other purposes, his hands have become permanently disabled.

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Industrial accidents

Most companies however would keep an industrial accident like Kumar's tightly under wraps. A 2005 press release of the ILO estimates that each year 40,000 fatal industrial accidents occur in , whereas only 222 of them are reported.

Companies often deny having any industrial accidents at all. Cases like Kumar's are handled behind closed doors to avoid any media involvement and public hue-and-cry.

"It was a freak accident. I was wearing rubber boots, but it didn't help. The fire extinguishers were there but the workers did what came to their mind, which is to take a cloth and first douse the fire on my body," says 50-year-old Kumar, who had moved from Uttar Pradesh to Gurgaon in search of employment in 1997. Still, it is surprising that Kumar has none of the bitterness one would have toward a workplace that crippled him for life.

After all, the company has taken care of all the expenses for his treatment over the last three years, about Rs 13,000 a month. He went through five surgeries every couple of months to surgically remove portions of skin from his thigh to be stitched on his hands. And some surgeries to improve dexterity.

Not just that, Kumar has also been paid the same salary he was drawing during the time of his accident, which is Rs. 20,000 each month. It helps run the family. His wife takes care of home while his son studies in Class 6.

"We were a newly formed Union then. Kumar's was the first accident that the company had to deal with. The negotiations were smooth with the management and they agreed to take care of all his expenses and continue his salary upto his retirement," says Mukesh, a senior within the 1067 member strong labour Union at Sunbeam.

80% workers in manufacturing have no written contracts. They can't avail any protection or  benefits

The company learnt a hard lesson: not to take safety for granted. On its part it invested in fire resistant jumper suits for all employees who have to be in contact with electricity. "Each suit cost Rs 11,000. The company spent about Rs 11 lakhs on the suits after Kumar's accident. We haven't had another case since," says Mukesh.

Was Kumar wearing no safety gear? "He was wearing boots, but these are freak accidents you can't be prepared for," says Mukesh, quick to defend his management.

Most active unions this reporter spoke to within Gurgaon were careful to not point to the wrongdoings of their company, no matter how obvious they were. All accidents seem to be quickly resolved with the total cooperation of the management, unusual, for any trade union to be saying, especially small Indian manufacturing units, away from the radar of public scrutiny.

When an amendment is a catalyst for more disaster

Mukesh, however, is gearing up for the all India level labour union strike that will be organised on 2 September.

"With Modi sarkar's labour law amendment, this will only mean more industrial accidents, lesser roles of trade unions and lesser management accountability." he says with clarity.

Mukesh and many others are worried that the amendment will weaken labour protection from multiple corners.

For starters is the factory amendment bill of 2014, which is proposing to revise the definition of a factory by doubling the minimum threshold of workers employed in most small factories today: The minimum number of workers in a factory is sought to be doubled to 20 for units with power and 40 for non-power backed units.

According to the Annual Survey of Industries 2011 – 12, of a total 1,75,710 factories in the country, employing 1,34,29,956 workers (of which 36,10,056 are contract workers) 71.31% of factories employing less than 50 workers is likely to be excluded from the coverage of Factories Act owing to the new threshold.

The Labour Ministry concurs. According to 2010 data based on returns submitted by factories under the Factories Act, 1948 reveals that of the 67,508 factories that submitted returns (except ), 52.5 per cent, or 35,208 units, had employed less than 20 workers.

That is 3,78,970 workers who will not be considered "factory workers" and be effectively thrown out to the unorganised sector and outside the purview of any labour protection if the amendments are passed.

To avail any kind of social protection and  care benefits, an employee has to be deemed permanent. 80% are not.

"Seven out of ten workers are contract workers. One out of ten are apprentices. Only 20% of employees in Haryana's factories are permanent. Only these can claim health benefits," points Khushiram from Mazdoor Sahyog Kendra, a Gurgaon based worker union.

According to a recent report by Catch, one in every two workers in all manufacturing are short-term contract workers. 80% of workers in the organised manufacturing sector have no written job contract or have one-year sub contracts. A vast number of them work for sub-contracting firms that supply labour to the organised sector.

Apprentice or cheap labour?

Add to that bringing a new wave of workforce called 'apprentices'

In a possibly pre-emptive move to boost Modi's Skill India initiative, the apprentice amendment bill, passed by the Rajya Sabha late last year allows employers sole authority to decide the hours of work and leave taken by those appointed as Apprentices. In what could unquestionably become the key to child abuse, any person aged 14 and above can legally be appointed as an apprentice.

The Act also seeks to protect defaulting employers by removing imprisonment as punishment for violating the provisions of the Apprentices Act, 1961. Freedom from a violation can be bought cheap – for as little as Rs 500.

Labour activists see a rise in apprentices also because the new amendments allow the Centre to entirely dictate the apprentice to worker ratio in a factory and overrule what was earlier decided by the Central Apprenticeship Council, a more democratic body. Some sourcessuggest that this has led to a minimum 30% of total workers in all factories getting appointed as apprentices.

By changing definition of 'factory', Modi's amendment will throw 3.78 lakh workers into the unorganised sector

A growing industry trend ever since as been to replace contract workers with apprentices who will need to be paid 70% of minimum wage, saving the industry labour cost.

"When I first joined as an apprentice, I used to think this was a period of training and my skills would expand. But for years all I had to do was tighten a single seat on a car using four bolts. That was all I was taught. Till today I haven't learnt a single other thing about assembling a car. The process line is such that you can spend years doing the same precise action thousands of times and not have a clue how to do the next logical thing. You call this a skill?" says Khushiram who started his career working as an apprentice at the Maruti Manesar plant.

An epidemic of broken fingers

The repetitiveness of a task can not only be frustrating, it often leads to a lack of concentration, which in a highly mechanised work setting, triggers industrial accidents.

Last year, a bizarre syndrome called the Gurgaon Broken Fingers Epidemic was reported by some sections of the media. In a trend that still continues, workers in Gurgaon factories manufacturing automobile parts, often engage in doing a repetitive task where their job is to insert a part between two heated plates of a power press, which cuts, shapes or moulds metal by ramming it with a heavy piston-like arm. The speed is fast and demands your eyes and hands to be in precise coordination. It seems impossible not to falter. When workers work overtime, on 12 hour shifts they sometimes lose their concentration and their response time takes a second longer. When the heated plates come together, it is often a finger or a hand that gets crushed.

The machines are archaic. Ideally, there must be a low cost sensor which detects human prescence and automatically stops. But few companies want to make the investment. RDC Steel and Allied Services Ltd in Manesar, was one of the few companies who decided to consciously up the safety for its workers. "When we saw our workers losing fingers we decided to install human sensors in our machines. It cost us 10 Lakhs but at least it has helped save the hands of our workers," says Dinesh, head of operations

These are called "crush injuries" at Manesar's ESI Hospital. "Losing fingers is a daily affair. The company might send them to a hospital to get it healed, but a worker without his fingers is as good as a broken machine. Since these are mostly contract labourers, the management eventually terminates his employment and he remains jobless for life," says Monu, a labour lawyer based in Gurgaon.

Diluting voice

When Gurgaon's trade unions individually say that the new labour law amendments will spike industrial accidents, they are essentially referring to two specific amendments: One is the practice of self certification that the amendment proposes to strengthen in place of external labour inspections. The other is the weakening of the collective bargaining power of Trade Unions.

It should hardly be a surprise that factory inspection in India is dismal. The proportion of factories inspected declined steeply from 63.05% in 1986 to 17.88% in 2008. But does self certification, a process of issuing a certificate to yourself commending your own security safeguards for the welfare of your workers, one that can be realistically trusted? "This is a recipe for disaster. Nobody outside will know what's happening within the walls of the factory. By ruling out labour inspections there is effectively nobody a factory needs to be accountable to," says Mukesh.

Also by making the laws harder for trade unions to form and once formed, reducing the opportunity to strike has been the main reason for the 2 September strike. "It was all Mukesh and his team who negotiated with the management at Sunbeam for me. I couldn't have asked for more," says Narendra Kumar, looking down at his crippled fingers.

Yet, Kumar knows how easily the tables could have turned on him. On 12 August this year, when 24 year old Ramji Lal was working at SKH automobiles pvt ltd, a company that makes parts for Maruti Suzuki at Manesar, while working he accidentally came within close rage of one of the many production robots on the factory floor. To the shock of onlookers, the robot suddenly gripped Lal crushed his body, puncturing his chest and stomach and threw him away. A post mortem said he died due to internal crush injuries and blood loss.

Lal had been married just a year ago. His wife is yet to receive any compensation from the company. It is little solace that the company management and contractor have meanwhile been booked on charges of causing death due to negligence. His family is shattered and hardly has the strength to fight the long messy battle for justice.

"The whole exercise is aimed at relieving defaulting employers" – Tapan Sen

Tapan Bose

As central trade unions ready to go on strike on 2 September, Deepa Kumar spoke to Tapan Sen on the health and safety standards for India's workforce. Sen is the general secretary of the Centre of Indian Trade Unions, politically attached with the CPI (M). He is also a member of the Rajya Sabha.

DK: Will the new labour amendments make health and safety worse for workers? If yes, how?

TS: Absolutely. The safety-related issue lies in tweaking the Factories Act. The proposed tweak could do away with the schedule that the labour ministry uses to determine whether industries are 'hazardous'. Instead, they have put a more general definition of 'hazardous', which is vague.

If that list is removed, it is upto interpretation and the goodwill of the labour ministry. They will interpret the definition on a case-by-case basis.

Ideally, the hazardous list should keep getting updated each year to make it a relevant referral list. The whole exercise of doing away with the list and keeping the definition of 'hazardous' vague is aimed at relieving defaulting employers.

Apart from the list, the amendment dissolves the role of the labour ministry in taking safety complaints. Instead, it has announced the formation of a regulatory authority on safety.

While the name sounds impressive, this is dangerous because the ministry is outsourcing the important role of monitoring safety violations to a body of so-called 'experts', comprising of bureaucrats with no accountability to anybody. The body is neither accountable to trade unions, nor to Parliament.

This is a nasty trick so that the  has no real obligation to investigate safety violations.

Monitoring safety violations is an important role of the labour ministry; but it is outsourcing that to so-called experts

DK: Will labour amendments increase unorganised labour in the form of apprentices? What safety obligations does the industry have towards them?

TS: India's unorganised sector has never fallen under any health and safety standards. The amendment will only bring more workers into the unorganised fold.

It provides cheaper labour and employers are not obliged to provide any form of labour protection to non-permanent employees.

The entire Skill India initiative is a sham. They are just pushing more workforce towards informal employment. The quality of employment will be lower.

And, once employees are given a role in the assembly line as apprentices, their promotions might be delayed inordinately.

It is completely at the discretion of the employer to see when an apprentice can become a permanent employee. The employer would not be interested in giving that opportunity since it entails higher labour wages (apprentices are paid lower than minimum wage) and a commitment to offer health and safety coverage.

The Central government is yet to set a defined ratio of the number of apprentices to workers a factory can hire. With Modi's thrust on Skill India, we expect it to be high. Apprentices will be a big productive force to drive up personal profit.

There are 7,000-8,000 contract workers at the Maruti factory in Manesar. There are 3,000 apprentices. They all work together on the assembly line.

A regular worker once told me that he and his co-worker, an apprentice, were ITI batchmates. "By chance I got regular employment and by chance he got to be an apprentice," he told me.

Employers have no liability whatsoever to workplace injuries or accidents, when it comes to apprentices and contract workers. In such a scenario, accidents are bound to increase.

DK: The International Labour Organisation says workplace safety in India is very poor. Are companies following norms? Have there been attempts to improve this situation, especially over the last few decades?

TS: What the ILO says is absolutely correct. Companies have been flouting safety norms for a long time. In fact, now it is easier for companies to flout safety standards.

This is why one major demand from all trade unions striking on 2 September is strict implementation of our original labour laws and stringent punishment for violation.

According to the amendments, punishment will not be compounded, which means it will not be increased with gravity of violation. This is dangerous for worker safety.

http://www.catchnews.com/india-news/standupindia-modi-s-amendment-will-be-the-death-knell-for-india-s-workers-1441044335.html

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Aurangzeb Road renamed, Akbar and Shah Jahan are next: Irfan Habib

Aurangzeb Road renamed, Akbar and Shah Jahan are next: Irfan Habib 

Prof Irfan Habib

Prof Irfan Habib

The New Delhi Municipal Corporation (NDMC) has decided to change the name of Aurangzeb Road to APJ Abdul Kalam Road. Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, a member of the corporation, was the first one to announce this development through his twitter handle on 28 August.

Eminent historian, Irfan Habib, an authority on medieval Indian history, spoke to Catch on the renaming of Aurangzeb Road.

CK: How do you respond to the renaming of Delhi's Aurangzeb Road?
IH: It's foolish, unfortunate and blatantly communal. I understand Aurangzeb might not be a very attractive ruler for some but Aurangzeb Road had become a historical address. Why should it be changed?

CK: East Delhi MP Mahesh Girri has cited Aurangzeb's much maligned image as the reason.

IH: That way, if you start examining, you will find problems with every ruler in ancient and medieval . For instance, how many rulers opposed caste? But does anybody ever demand removal of their names from public places?

Renaming is an old project of the BJP and RSS. They wanted to renameLucknow, Allahabad and Ahmedabad as well

Bhagwan Das and Man Singh had fought Rana Pratap who is such an icon for many. But roads in Delhi carry their names as well. Will these be erased too?

CK: The supporters of this move also say that this was necessary to honour the contributions of former president APJ Abdul Kalam to the nation.

IH: This is a very odd way of honouring APJ Abdul Kalam. If we have to honour him, why not build something new in his memory and dedicate it to him? Why associate his name with something old?

CK: Why do you call this move communal?

IH: Well, a few months ago, signages on some roads in Delhi were also blackened. Even though that might have nothing to do with this, this renaming business is an old project of the  and RSS.

CK: Do you remember any previous instances?

IH: Well, in 1992, when I was president of Indian Council of Historical Research, the 450th birth anniversary of Akbar was being observed. BJP and RSS had opposed these celebrations. LK Advani and others said Akbar was a Pakistani, among other things, and he should not be celebrated. In textbooks under NDA, Akbar was not praised, Mughal architecture was not praised.

CK: Any instances of attempts to rename places?

IH: Long ago, Rajnath Singh wanted Allahabad to be renamed. Even earlier, KM Munshi wanted Ahmedabad to be renamed. Some time in the 1990s, possible during the NDA , BJP-RSS also wanted Lucknow to be named as Laxmanpuri. Atal Bihari Vajpayee refused to do this, saying he was elected from Lucknow and that is how it will stay.

CK: What is the objective behind these attempts?

IH: Well, I am not privy to their objectives but I think they feel they will gain by raising these issues again and again. Which is what makes me feel that this will not stop with Aurangzeb Road. Akbar and Shah Jahan are probably also in the list.

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Indian Media – This is No Way to Cover a Murder Story #mediaethics


Indian Media – This is No Way to Cover a Murder Story #mediaethics

BY  ON 01/09/2015 •

Amidst all the hand-wringing over a woman's, and a society's morals, relatively few bells have been rung about the ethics of the media scrum that has developed around the Sheena Bora murder case

Reporters badger Indrani Mukerjea's daughter Vidhi (in black) as she arrives at Bandra Metropolitan Magistrate's court in Mumbai on Monday. Credit: PTI Photo by Shashank Parade


Let's pause to consider this amazing phrase in a news story: 'While Indrani has stood firm and not yet admitted to her role in the crime…'
— Tweet by Ellen Barry, NewYork Times South Asia Bureau Chief

Even though the police has barely begun to establish the facts behind the disappearance of Sheena Bora, hard evidence is scant and there is no clear motive for her apparent murder in sight, there's been an amazing amount of moralising. Much of it is based on crude  judgments, extrapolated at speed from what is essentially raw footage — contradictory, confusing, unsifted testimonies extracted by the media from some of the main protagonists, as well as mostly  unnamed relatives, neighbours and family friends.

Words like deviant, debauched and dysfunctional, uttered with saintly facial expressions and tones of  deep relish, dominate studio patter. Trite comparisons are being aired every day between "good mothers" and "bad mothers", with a former society columnist even congratulating herself on live TV the other day for being a better mother than prime suspect Indrani Mukerjea. Another mother who denied having a daughter in a property case she eventually lost is a daily fixture in this studio morality play. Much of this chit-chatting crowd has, of course, already convicted Mukerjea for killing her daughter, Sheena — this before she has even been formally charge-sheeted.

Journalism of easy virtue

Forget the studio patterers for a moment; or lurid India TV, with its  comic book sketches of a grimacing Mukerjea and her leering ex-husband Sanjeev Khanna closing in on Bora; or the 2015 version of "Aap ko kaisa lag raha hai?" — in which a husband gets to be asked by Arnab Goswami if he believes his wife is a murderer. Even the usually reputable sections of the media have been quick to arrive at  conclusions underpinned, it appears, by deeply conservative notions of what constitutes womanly virtue. Shyamal's Mazumdar's recent column in Business Standard is a virtual primer (for men, clearly) on how to spot, and avoid, the femme fatale, an account that seems to paint every one of  Mukerjea's husbands as her victim. The Hindu, which is normally measured, weighed in, too, with a lofty editorial broadsideagainst "a once-traditional society's speedy metamorphosis into an acquisitive FMCG economy with its attendant attributes of obsessive ambition and ruthless self-indulgence." This, of course, is epitomised by the story of small-town girl turned "jetsetting society lady" Indrani Mukerjea. The woman, The Hindu opines — on the strength of what must surely be meagre information about her exact domestic circumstances — "appears to have had no qualms in abandoning her  first husband and two young children in her search for the good life". Her second, Khanna, was "jettisoned quickly",  says the editorial, relying heavily on his version of why the marriage ended. Moreover, Mukerjea's chronicle and the mores she represents (and you could see this one coming from a mile off) "reject the one value so dear to old  – the sanctity of motherhood".

Since editorials in The Hindu are not taken as lightly, as say, Neeta's Natter, a question to ask, perhaps, is how coloured might a judge's view be by this masterly summation of  Mukerjea's character, lifestyle and conduct, when he one day finds himself presiding over her trial?

Not the same as Jessica Lal

Amidst all the hand-wringing over a woman's, and a society's morals, relatively few bells have been rung about the media scrum developing around this case. Last week, on 's show, The Buck Stops Here, Barkha Dutt asked the journalist Anil Dharkar, "Is this all of India lapping up everyone's private demons or is this a legitimate criminal investigation that journalists must probe?" Revealingly, no one on the panel, not even the anchor, seemed to like Dharkar's answer: "This is a criminal investigation that has to be probed by the police. It is really not something the media has to do." Misplaced comparisons were drawn with the Jessica Lal case, and the claim put forward — with only a lone Dharkar protesting —  that the media was justified in playing  an interventionist role and taking the story forward.

Dharkar said that the media should get involved only when the police is not doing its job — as was the case with the Jessica Lal investigation — and not when the police is actually doing its job, as it is in the Sheena Bora case. But Tavleen Singh and others insisted the media has a very important role to play since the police had ignored this case for three years. Dharkar gamely pointed out it was the police that took it up again, on the basis of an anonymous call, and is actually on top of the job, but his conclusion that there was no reason for the media to get so involved had no takers.

We are, of course, talking about the same media that has hauled up and judged almost every member of Indrani Mukerjea's complicated extended family, with rent-a-quote psychologists, minor actors and chick lit novelists holding forth on "What do you think X is hiding, and do you think Y is guilty?" This is also the media that's been airing on front pages and prime time the so-called "incest theory" about the case, based on leaks from police investigators who are clearly loathe to put this spicy stuff on record, but not perturbed about having it out in the ether. This "incest theory"  — contradicted by  a welter of other theories in the public domain — carelessly shreds the reputation of  Indrani's father, Upendra Bora, an 80-year old bedridden man in Guwahati, who has actually had, according to a  report in the Sunday Times of  India, a  cameraperson climbing up to his window (to avoid his guards) to ask him questions. "Taking the story forward", on Monday, a report in the same paper, basing itself on unnamed family sources, said " ..not many know she (Mukerjea) had a traumatic childhood in a dysfunctional family and was often whipped by her drunken father."

The irresistible pull of a trial by media

Back in the day when the Aarushi case was playing out, with a similarly insatiable quest for the salacious,  journalists like Vir Sanghvi and Shoma Chaudhury were part of the minority that took a stand against trial by media and the purveying  of smut. Is it a reflection on  "our times" (as The Hindu might say) that Catch News, the media website of which Chaudhury is editor-in-chief, was ahead of the pack laying out, in explicit detail, the "incest angle", and Sanghvi was on prime time last Friday, tossing out a tasty morsel to the slavering media beast — that Indrani had told him, and others, that she had been molested by her step-father? Granted, this was not the main burden of his song (he was far more intent on remoulding a media narrative he thought was overly kind to his old adversary Peter Mukerjea), but  it generated more headlines than anything else Sanghvi said in this interview, and became the signal for some newspapers, at least, to lay out in cold print what Catch News had reported. Sanghvi did qualify his statements by calling Indrani  Mukerjea a "fantasist" with a "tenuous grip on reality" but then, if he thought her capable of making up serious allegations against her parent, should he have been repeating them on prime time TV? There is also the little matter of a legal proscription on revealing the identity of victims of sexual abuse.

The Sheena Bora murder may well replace the Aarushi saga as the most talked about, viewed and net-searched case in our times. As before, the media seems to feel hugely secure about stigmatising those caught up, in one way or another, in murder investigations, knowing it will probably never be called to account. As Avirook Sen narrates in his recent book, Aarushi, a false story was planted the media — and picked up by some of the country's major news channels — that the parents of the dead Aarushi, Rajesh and Nupur Talwar, were part of a wife-swapping ring. "The CBI issued an official denial," writes Sen. "And the channels? Not a word of the story was recanted. No apology was offered."

No fear of defamation

The media is safe because hardly anyone has the money and the stomach for a legal battle that could last years, least of all those who have been caught up in a murder case. The dead are of course even less likely to go to court, so they can be opened up early on for speculation and defamation. This is already happening to Sheena Bora in the digital "wild west" of the media. For example, the Quint, which is not some tawdry website run out of a bucket shop but a well-funded offering from media mogul Raghav Bahl, is putting out tale after lurid tale without a shred of evidence to offer. But worry not, the site's ace reporter is on hand to "join the dots" in video conversations for the benefit of  readers. This turns out to be a serious looking, bespectacled, middle-aged man, who says with quiet conviction: "They took care to burn the burn the body … The objective was to destroy the foetus that Sheena Bora was carrying in her womb."

http://thewire.in/2015/09/01/this-is-no-way-to-cover-a-murder-story-9687/

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Shifting Sands: How Rural Women in India Took Mining into their Own Hands

Shifting Sands: How Rural Women in India Took Mining into their Own Hands

At dawn women miners gather at allocated sites along riverbanks in India's coastal Andhra Pradesh state to oversee the process of dredging, loading and shipping sand. Credit: Stella Paul/IPS

At dawn  miners gather at allocated sites along riverbanks in India's coastal Andhra Pradesh state to oversee the process of dredging, loading and shipping sand. Credit: Stella Paul/IPS

GUNTUR, Aug 24 2015 (IPS) – Thirty-seven-year-old Kode Sujatha stands in front of a hut with a palm-thatched roof, surrounded by a group of men shouting angrily and jostling one another for a spot at the front of the crowd.


"When I worked in the farm, I was just another labourer. Here, I am in charge. People see my work and they also see me. It is a great feeling." — Yepuri Mani of the Undavalli women's mining group in Andhra Pradesh

Each of the boatmen, who carry sand mined from a nearby river to the shore every day, wants to be paid before the others.

Sujatha stares hard at them, holds up a piece of paper and says, "If you have a printed receipt of payment, come, stand in the queue. We will pay one by one. Shouting will not help you."

This hard talk and show of nerves is a recurring part of the workday for Sujatha, a farm labourer-turned sand miner in Undavalli, a village situated on the banks of the Krishna River that flows through the coastal Guntur District of the southeastern Indian state of Andhra Pradesh.

She is one of the 18 women who run the Undavalli Mutually Aided Cooperative Society, an all-women's collective in charge of dredging, mining, loading and selling sand.

Dealing with a few angry boatmen is not the last of her problems. Powerful 'sand mafias' that operate throughout the state are another force to be reckoned with, as are the lurking threats of environmental degradation and poverty in this largely rural state.

But Sujatha is determined to make this enterprise work. Overseeing the sustainable extraction and transportation of sand in this village has been her ticket to a decent wage and a degree of decision-making power over her own life.

She also knows that having women like her in charge of this operation is the best chance of avoiding the environmental catastrophes associated with unregulated sand mining, such as depletion of groundwater sources, erosion of river beds, increased flooding and a loss of biodiversity.

Rural women who have taken over sand mining operations in the southeastern Indian state of Andhra Pradesh are learning to use computers for the first time. Credit: Stella Paul/IPS

'Rarer than one thinks'

Hard as it may be to fathom, sand is increasingly becoming a rare commodity as a result of the massive scale of its extraction and consumption worldwide.

In a 2014 report entitled 'Sand: rarer than one thinks', the United Nation's Environment Programme (UNEPrevealedthat sand and gravel (called aggregates) account for the largest share of the roughly 59 billion tonnes of material mined annually across the globe.

Combined aggregate use globally, including 29.5 billion tonnes of sand used annually in the production of cement for concrete, and the 180 million tonnes of sand guzzled by other industries every year, exceeds 40 billion tonnes per annum – twice the yearly amount of sediment carried by all the rivers of the world, according to the UNEP.

The most severe environmental consequences of the world's insatiable appetite for sand include loss of land through river and coastal erosion resulting in the heightened risk of floods, especially around heavily mined areas; depletion of the world's water tables; and a reduction in sediment supply.

Transporting aggregates is also a hugely carbon-heavy process, while the production of a single tonne of cement using sand and gravel releases 0.9 tonnes of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere.

Estimates from the Carbon Dioxide Information Analysis Center(CDIAC) suggest that the year 2010 saw 1.65 billion tonnes of carbon dioxide emissions from cement production – nearly five percent of total greenhouse gas emissions that year.

In India, a decades-long construction boom has driven a rapid increase in demand for sand, particularly in cement and concrete production.

The country currently boasts the third largest construction industry in the world, and huge sand mining operations, many of them unlawful or unregulated, are stripping the natural carpets of major riverbeds, deepening rivers and widening their mouths, and contaminating ground water sources.

Thus sand mining is contributing to India's twin problems of flooding and water scarcity.

A grassroots solution to a global problem

For many years a quiet grassroots movement around the country had unwittingly been laying the foundation of what is now an entrenched network capable of fighting illicit mining: women-led self-help groups (SHGs) that have come together over a period of decades to pool their meager savings and generate interest-free micro loans to jump-start small businesses.

In Andhra Pradesh alone, an estimated 850,000 SHGs involving over 10.2 million poor, rural women have generated over 19 billion rupees (287 million dollars) in savings over the past decade.

Solomon Arokiyaraj, chief executive officer of the state-run Society for Elimination of Rural Poverty (SERP) tells IPS that SHGs' proven track record of community finance and business management made them ideal partners in larger  schemes to both crack down on unsustainable natural resource extraction and alleviate rural poverty.

According to Arokiyaraj, women are now running 300 different mining sites (called 'reaches') across this state of 49 million people. A team comprising 10 or 12 people, who previously earned less than a dollar a day, runs each site on behalf of the government.

Venketeshwara Rao, a government official in Guntur District who oversees the project, tells IPS that the women of Undavalli village are licensed to operate within an eight-hectare area identified by federal environment authorities as part of de-siltation efforts around the reservoir.

At dawn every day the women gather at mining sites and at six am the mechanized dredging begins. Extracted sand is stockpiled on boats and then shifted to a fleet of waiting trucks, while excess water is pumped back into the river

"It takes three hours for the dredger to fill a boat. Each of the boats can carry 10 cubic meters of sand, enough to fill 20 large trucks," Malleshwari Yepuri, a sand miner, tells IPS.

By Rao's estimation, the women-led groups in the eight sand reaches in Guntur District alone have sold over a million cubic meters of sand since November 2014, amounting to some 70 million rupees (over a million dollars).

Prior to taking over management of the mines, the women had earned, on average, just under a dollar each a day as farm labourers. Now every woman miner takes home six dollars a day, and their respective cooperatives receive five rupees (0.07 dollars) for every cubic meter of sand mined under their leadership – a total of about 70,000 rupees (a thousand dollars) every year.

These illegal sand mining boats in India's populous Andhra Pradesh state are becoming a rare sight after women's self-groups took over mining operations last year. Credit: Stella Paul

Laws and loopholes

Blessed with two major river systems, the Krishna and the Godavari, Andhra Pradesh boasts a stunning range of biodiversity, from the unique flora and fauna found on the coastal mountain range of the Eastern Ghats to the tremendously fertile plains formed in the rivers' basins.

But its biggest asset has also been a curse, and has long attracted the gaze of major players in the sand mining industry – many of them operating outside the ambit of the law.

Considered a 'minor' mineral, sand falls outside of the jurisdiction of the federal government, which limits its authority to the extraction and sale of 'major' minerals like coal, iron and copper.

Numerous Indian laws – from a February 2012 Supreme Court order to an August 2013 ruling by the National Green Tribunal, a federal environment conservation agency – have banned river sand mining without the necessary permit.

These orders notwithstanding, media reports have consistently drawn attention to the extraction activities of organised syndicates referred to as the 'sand mafia', allegedly responsible for removing truckloads of sand for a nifty profit from Andhra Pradhesh and elsewhere.

Many have reportedly mined without any government permission; others have systematically exceeded the volume specified, or encroached on areas outside the scope of their permits.

In April 2015, Andhra Pradesh Finance Minister Yanamala Ramakrishnudu told the local press that illicit sand miners had robbed the state of 10 billion rupees (150 million dollars) in the past 10 years.

Even with ample evidence on the destructive environmental impacts of sand mining, including a report by the Geological Survey of India warning against damages to in-stream flora and fauna and devastation of vegetative cover, the state government has been either unable or unwilling to curb the practice.

It was not until 2014, following an outcry by the federal government's own mining ministry about the "menace" of illegal sand extraction, that Andhra Pradhesh cancelled all licenses issued under the 2002 Water, Land and Tree Act and handed power over to the women's self-help groups.

SHGs, meanwhile, are under strict orders to ensure that mining happens only in those areas where massive silt-deposits are causing environmental stress, including over-sedimentation resulting in a reduction of the river's holding capacity.

There are about 40 reservoirs in the state, some over a century old, which hold massive build-ups of sand. Undavalli village falls within one of these reservoirs – the Prakasam barrage, built in 1855, over the Krishna River – where sedimentation has been increasing at the rate of 0.5 percent to 0.9 percent every year, according to officials from the state's irrigation department.

Still, licenses are not granted indefinitely – their duration fluctuates between two and 12 months, depending on the extent of sedimentation and the specific ecology of the area.

The work is not without its challenges. Women are learning how to digitize their operations (with some using computers for the first time), keep their proceeds safe and vigilantly monitor environmental degradation, all under the threat of reprisals from the sand mafia.

Add to this a full working day in 40-degrees-Celsius heat with little shade and no security and you have a task that not many would voluntarily sign up for; yet, few are complaining.

"When I worked in the farm, I was just another labourer," Yepuri Mani of the Undavalli mining group tells IPS. "I was almost invisible. Here, I am showing others what to do. I am in charge. People see my work and they also see me. It is a great feeling."

Putting women in charge is not a magic bullet for the ills of sand mining: the move does not tackle the looming issue of unsustainable global demand for sand that is driving major environmental destruction in India, and elsewhere in the world.

But having rural women at the helm of a hitherto male-dominated industry is certainly a major first step towards a more sustainable, grassroots-based economic model of carefully managing a limited and vital natural resource.

Edited by Kanya D'Almeida

http://www.ipsnews.net/2015/08/shifting-sands-how-rural-women-in-india-took-mining-into-their-own-hands/


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